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Resource Development Council
for AI 0 s k 0 Inc 807 "G" Street, Suite 200, Anchorage, Alaska 99501-3440
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Paula P. Easley
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Charles R. Webber, President
John Forceskie, Vice Pres.
E. Thomas Pargeter, Vice Pres.
Boyd J. Brownfield, Secretary
J. Shelby Stastny, Treasurer
Sharon E. Anderson
Susy Collins
Steve Ellis
Don L Finney
0. K. "Easy" Gilbreth
Robert Gilliland
Dave Harbour
Phil R. Holdsworth
Jack Hull
Charlie Johnson
John T. Kelsey
Larry Laughman
Ethel H. "Pete" Nelson
John Rense
R. D. Stock
Robert I. Swetnam
Dale P. Tubbs
DIRECTORS/FOUNDERS*
Hameed Ahmad
Lenny Arsenault
Earl H. Beistline
Rex I. Bishopp
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' ' . Box 100516, Anchorage, Alaska 99510-6516 -907/276-0700
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SIXTH ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ALASKA'S RESOURCES
CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
AND
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES
Robert A. Breeze
Kelly M. Campbell
Alexander J. Capasso
Sam Demientieff
Larry Dinneen
('I)'
James V. Drew
James G. "Bud" Dye*
Fred 0. Eastaugh*
Lee E. Fisher*
Robert W. Aeming*
Dan R. Fondell
Mano Frey
Ray D. Gardner
Paul Glavinovich
Randy Goodrich
Dick Griffin
John L Hall
Jon Halliwill
Donald L. Hansen
Hazel Heath
Dave Heatwole
Joseph R. Henri
M. A. Higgins
David Hoffman
William J. Hornung
Joe E. Jackovich
Dorothy A. Jones
John Choon K. Kim
Kay H. Lasley
Phillip L. Locker
Dennis W. Lohse
Paul J. Martin
Donald Marx
Peter McDowell
Len Mclean
William F. Meehan, Jr.
Max D. Nalley
Richard A. Peluso
Erik V. Peterson
William R. Purrington
William E. Schneider
Steve Seley
Lin S. Sloane
Dale Stotts
DaleTeel
Joe J. Thomas
Richard W. -Tindall
Rudy J. Trosclair
Joseph E. Usibelli, Jr.
Lyle Von Bargen
Beverly A. Ward
Anita L. Williams
Jed Holley, Staff Consultant
EX-OFFICIO MEMBERS
Senator Ted Stevens
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Anchorage, Alaska
February 12-13, 1986
ARLIS
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" Senator Frank Murkowski
Al~s~a .Re.sources
Library & Information:Servtces
1\nchor~.~aska -" Congressman Don Young
Govenor Bill Sheffield
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......... • .................................. • 1
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 27
EXPERT PANELISTS ••••••••• ill! •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
OPENING REl4ARKS ......•.•....•........•......•...............
GLOBAL POLITICS AND MINERALS PRODUCTION -
29
31
Admiral William Mott •••••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 35
FISHERIES AND THE 200-MILE LIMIT -
Richard J. Baker • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 41
PETROLEUM -THE NEW WORLD VIEW -
Clair Ghyl in ...•.•••••..•••.•...•..•...••••.•......•.•••• 47
INDUSTRY INCENTIVES: COSTS AND BENEFITS -
Walter F. 0' Connor ........................................ 65
WOOD PRODUCTS AS A WORLDWIDE COMMODITY -
Dr. Thomas Waggener • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 89
THE PROFITABILITY OF AGRICULTURE -
Dr. William Motes •••••••••••••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••. 141
ASIAN GAS MARKETS IN COMING YEARS -
Michael C. Lynch •••••••••.••••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••• 151
COAL: EVOLVING SUPPLY AND DEMAND PATTERNS -
Joseph J. Yancik •••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 173
BUILDING RESOURCE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS -
Lorne Sivertson ••.••••••.•••.•..••...•••••••..••..•..•..• 197
EFFECTS OF GOVERNMENT DECISIONS ON INDUSTRY COMPETITIVENESS -
Dan Maxim ••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••.••••••••••..•••••••• 205
STATE-FEDERAL ISSUES -
Senator Frank Murkowski ......•.....•..................... 233
OUTLOOK FOR 1986 -
Congressman Don Young ...............•..•..••.....•....... 235
FROM RAGS TO RICHES: A STRATEGY THAT WORKS -
John Anderson •.•...••..•...•..•••••.•...•••••••..••..•..• 241
ORGANIZING FOR STATE ECONOMIC PROGRESS -
Scott R. Fosler ••.•••••••••••.•.••.........•••.•.••..••.. 249
ALASKA'S ECONOMIC PRIORITIES: A FIVE-YEAR STRATEGY -
Paul a P • Ea s 1 e y • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • • ••• 2 6 5
APPENDIX A: RESPONSE TO CALL FOR PAPERS:
Land Use Policies: Impacts on Development,
Joseph Gughemetti ·························~··············274
A Three-Point Program to Enhance Alaska's Economy,
Bob Richards ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• · •••••• 281
Opportunities for Enhancing Alaska's Economy,
John A. Sandor ••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 289
APPENDIX B: LIST OF CONFERENCE ATTENDEES .....••.......•.... 296
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Resource Development Council
f 0 r AI a s k a Inc 807 "G" Street, Suite 200, Anchorage, Alaska 99501-3440
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Paula P. Easley
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Charles R. Webber, President
John Forceskie, Vice Pres.
E. Thomas Pargeter, Vice Pres.
Boyd J. Brownfield, Secretary
J. Shelby Stastny, Treasurer
Sharon E. Anderson
Susy Collins
Steve Ellis
Don L. FinAey
0. K. "Easy" Gilbreth
Robert Gilliland
Dave Harbour
Phil R. Holdsworth
Jack Hull
Charlie Johnson
John T. Kelsey
Larry Laughman
Ethel H. "Pete" Nelson
John Rense
R. D. Stock
Robert I. Swetnam
Dale P. Tubbs
DIRECTORS/FOUNDERS*
Hameed Ahmad
Lenny Arsenault
Earl H. Beistline
Rex I. Bishopp
Robert A. Breeze
Kelly M. Campbell
Alexander J. Capasso
Sam Demientieff
Larry Dinneen
James V. Drew
James G. "Bud" Dye•
Fred 0. Eastaugh*
Lee E. Fisher•
Robert W. Fleming•
Dan R. Fondell
Mane Frey
Ray D. Gardner
Paul Glavinovich
Randy Goodrich
Dick Griffin
John L. Hall
Jon Halliwill
Donald L. Hansen
Hazel Heath
Dave Heatwole
Joseph R. Henri
M. A. Higgins
David Hoffman
William J. Hornung
Joe E. Jackovich
Dorothy A. Jones
John Choon K. Kim
Kay H. Lasley
Phillip L. Locker
Dennis W. Lohse
Paul J. Martin
Donald Marx
Peter McDowell
Len McLean
William F. Meehan, Jr.
Max D. Nalley
Richard A. Peluso
Erik V. Peterson
William R. Purrington
William E. Schneider
Steve Seley
Lin S. Sloane
Dale Stotts
DaleTeel
Joe J. Thomas
Richard W. Tindall
Rudy J. Trosclair
Joseph E. Usibelli, Jr.
Lyle Von Bargen
Beverly A. Ward
Anita L. Williams
Jed Holley, Slaff Consultant
EX·OFFICIO MEMBERS
Senator Ted Stevens
Senator Frank Murkowski
Congressman Don Young
' · Box 100516, Anchorage, Alaska 99510-0518 -907/276-0700
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Sixth Annual International Conference on Alaska's Resources
CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION: CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
~D
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION: PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES
by
Carl Portman
Alaskans must clearly understand the implications of
certain worldwide events if the state is to proceed in
expanding its economy. The Sixth Annual International
Conference on Alaska's Resources brought Alaska's
competitive position in global resource production to the
forefront as experts addressed such subjects as worldwide
politics and minerals production, fisheries and the 200-mile
limit, the latest coal supply and demand patterns, the
profitability of agriculture and the changing view of
petroleum.
The program opened with assessments of U.S. market
potential in global trade for the basic industries
supporting Alaska's economy. Speakers also considered
constraints to Alaska's development and approaches to
improving the state's competitive position. Presentations
focused directly on the costs and benefits of industry
incentives, building resource transportation systems, the
effects of government decisions and regulations on industry
competitiveness and economic development strategies that
Alaska might consider.
Entitled, "Crisis In Resource Production: Can Am~rica
Compete? and Alaska's Competitive Position: Public Policy
Issues," the conferehce served as a mechanism for working
with resource sectors, communities, labor and financial
groups to find the best approaches to expanding Alaska's
~ Govenor Bill Sheffield
Page 2
economy. By providing a forum for the public and private sector
to address crucial decisions facing Alaska, the Resource
Development Council expects to facilitate long-term relationships
between government, industry, labor and other components of
Alaska's economy to reach consensus on economic strategies.
* * *
Highlighting the building of resource transportation systems,
British Columbia Assistant Deputy Minister of Mineral Resources
Lorne Sivertson recommended the use of government funding to
develop cost-competitive transportation systems in Alaska. He
said there are compelling reasons for a government role in
planning, coordinating and participating in transportation
systems. Without government funding to build roads, power lines,
rail branchlines and a coal port, the massive Northeas~ British
Columbia coal project would have been impossible to develop.
The Assistant Deputy Minister explained that energy, forest
products and mining are major industries in British Columbia, with
mineral output reaching $3.5 billion in 1985. At 23 million tons
of coal exports and 300,000 tons of copper concentrate exports,
B.C. is the third largest coal exporter in the non-communist world
and the largest exporter of copper concentrates. It is also a
major producer and exporter of pulp, paper, lumber and sulphur.
Due to the vast size, difficult physical geography and widely
dispersed mining and forest industries, an extensive and efficient
transportation system is a fundamental requirement of the B.C.
economy. The province is served by two national railways as well
as the British Columbia Railway. The province has two major ocean
shipping ports, one at Vancouver and the other at Prince Rupert.
These ports load over 60 million tons per year of bulk cargo.
The coal loading facilities at these ports are the newest and
among the most efficient in the world and can accommodate ships up
to 250,000 dwt.
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While the government of British Columbia has helped build an
extensive transportation system to move resource products to
market, provincial policy has required that there must be a clear
economic justification before transportation infrastructure
investments will be made. Sivertson said that when new roads,
rails, townsites and power supplies are required to fa6ilitate
natural resource development projects, the province looks
carefully at the bottom line before becoming involved financially.
Important considerations are:
net public benefits as measured by incremental income
and tax revenues from the project relative to the cost
of infrastructure;
-multiple use opportunities;
-ability to pay and re-pay costs;
-project feasibility;
-environmental impacts and costs;
-regional development implications
In the same way that the province promotes efficient and
productive investments in infrastructure, it generally promotes
cost-based user charges when possible for infrastructure services.
After a several years of analysis and planning, the Province
of B.C. agreed with the owners of the Northeast B.C. coal project
in 1981 to provide coordination and financial assistance to build
necessary roads and other infrastructure. This was done on the
basis of a comprehensive agreement between the province, the
mines, the federal government, two railroads, the port developer
and a power utility.
The project cost, including infrastructure, which was about
one third of the amount, was $2.9 billion. Over 6,000 people were
employed at peak construction.
The project was completed and the mines commenced production
and shipments of coal to Japan two years ago.
Page 4
Included in the provisi-ons of the agreement were two levels
of surcharges imposed b~ the province designed to help amortize
its infrastructure. investment as well as cost-based user charges
for facilities provided by the railroads, ports and utility.
The province was also heavily involved in the development of
a remote gold mine by Serem Inc. Serem asked for help in building
80 miles of road to their discovery.
After several months of study, B.C. officials offered to
provide up to 50 percent of the capital costs for the road,
secured by a legally binding contract which included a provision
for repayment of the loan. If the price of gold fails to rise to
a specified level after the mines go into production in 1988, the
province will not be repaid. However, if the price of gold
exceeds a specified trigger price, payments will be due with
interest.
In recognition of multiple use benefits, if major new mines
are developed in the area which make use of the road, the
outstanding balance of the loan will be forgiven.
Sivertson stressed that while governments may need to be
involved in developing transportation infrastructure, this need
not preclude the recovery of investment through user charges or
repayments in installments. In this way government helps overcome
capital cost barriers, shares risk and reward.
* * *
In a presentation on environmental legislation and
regulation, and the resulting impacts on the competitiveness of
American industry, Daniel Maxim, President of Everest Consulting
Services of Cranbury, New Jersey, point~d out that although the
United States is among the most productive of the major world
economies, America's competitive edge is indeed being narrowed.
In particular, certain resource-based industries face
significant challenges of survival. Unless these challenges can
be met, the U.S. faces a continual erosion of the international
competitiveness of its minerals industries. This would be
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particularly unfortunate for Alaska, a state with substantial yet
undeveloped natural resources.
Maxim examined government policies that can help or hinder
the struggle for increased competitiveness. He identified five
specific areas for improvement:
-the need to consider the effects of international
competitiveness in making environmental decisions
-the need for regulatory stability
-the need to reduce uncertainty over environmental
decisionmaking
-the need to increase the consistency of environmental
decisionmaking
the need to revise effective alternatives to the adversary
process for resolving environmental disputes
Maxim pointed out that depressed commodity prices and other
factors, such as aggressive and partially-subsidized foreign
competition, and u.a. government mandated expenditures for
environmental controls have forced plant closings, layoffs and
mounting losses in place of accustomed profits.
While the U.S. may not yet be facing a crisis, a continuation
of current trends would lead to a world economic order quite
different from that which we know today. No longer can America
take it for granted that its children will enjoy the highest
standard of living among the major industrialized countries .
Maxim stressed that the development of Alaska's rich un-
exploited mineral deposits could be an important factor in main-
taining the competitiveness of the mineral sector. For example,
U.S. zinc ore grades have steadily declined in past years to levels
of under 4 percent, compared to 6 percent to 9 percent in some of
the major mine producing countries. The Red Dog zinc-lead-silver-
barite deposit in Northwest Alaska contains more than 17 percent
zinc, and could ultimately account for as much as one-third of U.S
mine production. Development of just this one deposit could reverse
Page 6
the downward trend in U.S. zinc grades. Few would dispute the
assertion that Alaska's mineral resources could be pivotal to the
future competitiveness of America's mineral industry.
In addition to location, transportation costs to markets,
extraction technology and labor and capital productivity,
competitiveness in the· mineral sector also depends upon factors
controlled or influenced by government policy both in America and
abroad. Access to government lands, environmental requirements,
health and safety regulations, tariffs and trade actions and the
structure and technical provisions of tax laws are increasingly
important when it comes to competitiveness.
In the United States copper industry, it has been estimated
that environmental compliance costs are about 15 cents per pound
for a material that currently sells for 70 cents per pound. Such
regulatory costs make it more difficult to compete, particularly
against foreign sources that are not similarly burdened.
Maxim stressed that environmental regulations in the U.S. are
not always consistent and in some cases inconsistency follows
directly from the law itself. Under the terms of the Clean Air
Act, EPA is not permitted to weigh costs against benefits in
setting primary health standards. But under other laws, and by
Presidential Executive Order, costs are to be considered. These
differences can produce absurd results.
Maxim said the time has come for America to actively seek
measures that foster cooperation between industry, government and
environmentalists. Obviously everyone has something to gain if
the process can be streamlined.
* * *
In a presentation on industry incentives, Walter F. O'Connor,
Vice Chairman of Peat Marwick, Mitchell & Company, told conference
-
delegates that Alaska could create a situation, through import
substitution in the service indus.tries, where it would turn into
an international banking center and become pre-eminent in the
financial services area, particularly as it relates to the Pacific
Rim.
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For Alaska to secure a position in the international and
Pacific Rim markets, O'Connor said the state would have to make
itself visible and use that visibility to attract customers. He
offered a number of suggestions for Alaska to consider in
encouraging a diversified economy. Among them were:
Be basic in industry incentive programs. Only after they
are analyzed and sorted out, use minor incentives to
differentiate Alaska from other states.
Alaska needs to structure an incentive program aimed at
enhancing its position regarding international air
travel. Anchorage should be a place where travelers from
Asia to Europe not only stop for refueling, but also to
invest.
Alaska can't succeed only by developing its material
resources such as oil, fish and timber because these
resources may not be the most important things in the
decades ahead in the new society that faces Americans.
Alaska must be willing to take risks.
In distinguishing between major and minor incentives,
O'Connor pointed out that major incentives are the quality of
labor, markets, suppliers and transportation. These incentives
are fundamental to an economic unit as opposed to tax exemptions,
low-cost loans and personnel training. It's essential to keep
this in mind, O'Connor said, because too many people go right to
minor incentives, which are more ''gimmicks" to offset major
disadvantages •
These minor incentives can't offset major disincentives. For
example, if Alaska can't compete with California with regard to
some of the problems it has with cost of its labor, geographic
location and climate, then there probably are no amount of
incentives that will attract investment from California to
Alaska •
>~~~---·>·-. -~------>-·----------------------------
Page 8
(Attached to Mr. O'Connor's presentation within the 1986
conference Proceedings is an exhibit listing criteria· that
companies have developed for judging investment in certain parts
of the world. They are listed in order of priority so that the
reader can see what some companies consider more important than
others.)
For those interested in expanding Alaska exports, one of the
main incentives is to be visible at a global level. It is
important that Alaska be visible in those countries to which its
exports are going such as Japan, Korea and China.
O'Connor revealed a theory that the combination of (1)
knowledge of a product and (2) accessibility to people who sell
that product make for (3) additional sales. Visibility is an
incentive that is not labeled as such, but is most effective in
expanding economic penetration of foreign markets.
With regard to high tech, there are a number of factors
to consider in attracting high-tech companies. There is a need to
have a base for research and development. Japan has used this
very effectively. And it is important that there be a group of
established companies in a state to give high-tech expansion a
head start.
What other states have been using incentives? Alabama and
Mississippi have been well noted for the sophisticated way in
which they have attracted foreign investment. Delaware,
Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Nebraska, Wisconsin and
Washington have all pushed hard with incentive programs in order
to attract foreign investment. The state governments, realizing
the federal government is stepping out of certain economic
activities, have to do something at the state level to attract
investment. These states have specific programs geared to attract
investment. Many of them are structured around the high-tech
industry.
Some states are creating a pro-business atmosphere and others
like Wisconsin are trying to turn around an anti-business image.
Alaska would have to evaluate the status of its image in the
private sector to see to what extent it would need state
government assistance to overcome anti-business images.
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Many states are also "incubating" small businesses so that
they can reach a state of economic viability and then go fully
into the private sector. The intent is not to have the public
sector stay in the private sector indefinitely, but rather to get
these companies over the difficult hurdle of infancy so that they
do not get swallowed by larger private-sector entities.
With regard to incentive programs going into certain
states, why do some succeed and some fail? According to O"Connor,
the answer fundamentally seems to be in the "marketing" of the
incentive program. Those states which can cut through a lot of
bureaucratic red tape and provide a one-stop shop for private
industry to get itself started in the easiest possible way are the
ones that are the most successful.
Given the proximity of Alaska to the Pacific Rim, it is
important for the state to consider using incentive programs to
attract countries like Japan, Korea and Taiwan to bring new
technology to the U.S. The smarter states in America have taken
note of the reverse flow of technology and are now positioning
themselves to capitalize on this.
O'Connor suggested that Alaska needs to work harder with
regard to investigating the needs of investors and target
incentive programs on them. Such incentives might not be things
like interest-free loans or tax incentives; rather they might be a
question of offsetting negatives in the areas of infrastructure,
access to academic institutions for research and development and
quality of people.
Do incentives really work? According to O'Connor, NO --
unless a company has decided to go ahead with an investment in the
first place. Once a company has reviewed all the criteria it
takes into account with regard to making an investment, the
"gimmick type" incentives really aren't going to make or break the
decision, O'Connor said.
However, once a company has decided to make an investment,
then things like low-cost funds, training programs and tax
incentives are important because they're required to put a state
on the same footing as their competitors. As a result, O'Connor
Page 10
stressed that Al~ska need~ to look to fundamentals and not to
"short-term gimmicks."
* * *
In one segment of the conference, delegates heard
presentations regarding economic development strategies from
different areas of the United States. John Anderson, Director of
the Washington State Department of Trade and Economic Development,
detailed "The Washington Plan," an economic development program
launched over seven months ago.
Under the program, the state's unemployment rate has dropped
to 8.4 percent, while it stood at 10.9 percent in January 1985.
The plan was also instrumental in recruiting more than $550
million in planned business and industrial investment with 3,000
new jobs to result from the first phases of expansion.
The Washington Plan involves cooperation and coordination
among many public and private agencies and organizations
interested in the state's economic health. In order to attack
specific economic problems, an "economic development cabinet" of
all state agency heads was formed. The cabinet is designed to
expedite resolution of issues and action on development projects.
It has been successful in solving problems resulting from
fragmented, uncoordinated responses among state agencies on
various issues.
Team Washington, the plan's action arm, provides organization
and cooperative statewide programs in retention of existing
manufacturing, processing and assembly facilities, recruiting of
new manufacturing, development of export and tourism, assistance
to existing business and film and video recruiting.
The Washington Plan provides funding to Team Washington
economic development programs on the local and regional levels.
Associate developent organizations, representing all 39 of the
state's counties, receive up to $25,000 in state matching funds
annually to provide full-time economic development staff, office
and local programs.
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* * *
Scott Fosler, Vice President and Director of Government
Studies for the Washington, D.C.-based Committee for Economic
Development, reported on recent developments in the various states
in economic strategy.
Since the mid-1970s, the fifty states have undertaken
economic development projects in such areas as venture capital,
financial and technical assistance, small business incubation,
education and infrastructure improvement, regulatory reform, job
training and placement and technological research and development.
For example, Fosler referred to the Minnesota Seed Capital
Fund which specializes in providing early-stage financing,
typically on the order of $50,000 to $250,000 to firms offering
significant job creation potential in the state. In 1982, a $1
million investment in new companies attracted additional debt and
equity financing of $14.5 million.
The Hawaii High Technology Development Corporation was formed
in 1983 for the purpose of issuing bonds for infrastructure
development to support innovative technology-based firms.
This action across the U.S. was motivated principally by the
economic turmoil of the 1970s. The recession in the early 1980s
reinforced states' concerns. Cutbacks in federal spending made it
clear that they could not look to Washington for program
initiatives to alleviate economic hardship.
Addressing competitiveness, Fosler said markets for many
traditional industries no longer provide substantial growth,
meaning that firms in those industries are now subject to tighter
price, quality, marketing and service competition. New industries
are highly competitive as they seek to capture new markets, Fosler
said. And state and local government have become more actively
involved in attracting business. Fosler also pointed to global
competition as challenging the American economy and its regional
components on all fronts.
In today's business world, nearly any place can compete with
another. The physical constraints or advantages associated with
Page 12
geographical location, soil, access to raw materials and even
climate, while certainly not insignificant, have declined in
relative importance. Comparative advantage among places now has
more to do with human will, energy, values and organization.
Fosler said in the past it was not so important that state
governments recognize their pervasive economic impact. The
national economy was growing and largely unaffected by
international competition.
In an historical review of the U.S. economy, Fosler said that
following World War II, the U.S. was without economic peers. And
with only five percent of its GNP in foreign trade, the American
economy was still largely insulated from foreign competition.
By 1985, however, foreign trade had soared to 15 perpent of
GNP. Foreign manufacturing has seriously challenged American
products both abroad and at home. And the growing trade and
balance-of-payments deficits has served to show just how
vulnerable the U.S. has become to a competitive world economy.
States which rely on durable goods manufacturing have been
especially hard hit by foreign competition. In markets such as
steel and other traditional durable goods where there is
substantial capacity, even small marginal advantages in price,
quality or service can result in changes in market share.
States such as Washington, Oregon and Alaska which have
depended on extractive industries have found their economic
mainstays severely diminished or lost. Farm states have also been
severely hit by lagging exports.
Fosler said that the foreign challenge now has extended to
emerging technologies. In 1985, the Japanese captured more than
60 percent of the market for 64k RAM memory chips. The loss of
--microete·c-tronics-s-ales abro~fd na:s-contril::itf"Ced -co-caTiforhfa'-s
decline in exports from $4 billion in 1981 to under $3 billion in
1984.
States need an economic strategy to preserve and strengthen
their foundations and to chart a course through turbulent times.
Fosler recommended that strategies sensibly assess resources and
take a flexible approach to how they might be developed. He urged
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Page 13
that states look toward the long term, instead of banking on quick
fixes.
The substance of an economic strategy cannot be divorced from
the process by which it is fashioned and pursued. Fosler pointed
out several deficiencies in the structural framework for economic
policy found in most states.
First, because economic concerns are narrowly defined, they
tend to be equated with the state agency which bears the "economic
development" label, Fosler said. Second, efforts at broader
definition, even when they are attempted, usually fail to be
translated into a cohesive policy or implemented in a coordinated
fashion. Fosler said few governors appear to have developed
organizational mechanisms that effectively link key elements of
economic policy so that their implementation in practice matches
their connection in concept.
In his third point, Fosler, said economic concerns are
defined with an insufficient view of the long run. He said it is
rare when policy genuinely looks beyond the time horizon of the
next gubernatorial or legislative election.
Fourth, in the absence of a broader and longer term
perspective, economic policy at the state level is determined by
numerous decisions made in isolation of each other and driven by
individual administrative and political agendas.
Fosler stressed that greater attention must be given to
process. The key to process is more effective economic
intelligence, which can come from several sources, Fosler said.
In addition, a cooperative approach to state economic strategy is
crucial. Indiana's development of a strategic plan, Fosler
pointed out, enjoyed bi-partisan support, in large measure because
of the leadership and cooperation of the state's top Republican
and Democratic politicians.
Indiana produced not so much a written, definitive plan, as
it did a structure and process for state economic policy. The
written document was sufficient to establish the basic condition
facing the state, and develop consensus as to general goals and
directions. But for the long haul, it was clear that a process
Page 14
was needed that could be adapted to changing ~ircumstances, and
brqad enough to encompass the numerous functions and actors that
affected economic development in the state.
By contrast, Rhode Island developed a detailed economic plan
that was put to public referendum. Eighty percent of the state's
voters rejected the 1,000-page plan for stimulating state economic
growth largely because they did not believe the estimated cost of
$750 million would yield benefits to the average citizen, and
because they lacked confidence in the way the plan was developed
and would be implemented.
Fosler concluded with a warning that state economic policy
today must be seen as the sum total of actions taken in every
aspect of state government that affect economic performance.
States that fail to confront this reality will be at a competitive
disadvantage to those states that do.
* * *
In a presentation on an Alaska strategy for economic
development, Paula Easley, Executive Director of the Resource
Development Council, said the Rhode Island plan pointed to the
inability of existing American political institutions to forge a
national industrial policy despite widespread concern with the
economy.
Easley said the Greenhouse Compact Commission took great care
to eliminate political representation in its membership. An
assumption was made that if Rhode Island's economy were to
develop, all groups in society must sacrifice, abandon old
prejudices and work together.
After such an overwhelming loss at the polls, a survey
conducted two days later revealed:
It was too specific in that it proposed specific goals for
designated industries, inviting opposition by industries
which wouldn't benefit.
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Page 15
Instead of designing an easily understood program, the
report was exceedingly complex and few voters could
understand it.
It ignored a long-held hostility of residents to high
taxes and proposed $40 million in new taxes.
Leaders of the Compact were not drawn from the citizenry,
but instead represented the elite of commercial,
financial, labor and government sectors.
The new agency created to implement the program was not
perceived by the voters to represent the average citizen's
interests.
Easley suggested Alaska remember these points when it
develops an Alaska strategy for economic development. She said
that in Alaska economic development plans devised by state
agencies have not been accepted by the populace and in many cases
were not even accepted by other state agencies. She said the
biggest failure of economic development strategies over the years
has been that they're hard to sell. Easley asked, "What good does
it do for a state or local government to formulate a development
strategy if the public won't buy it? What good does it do if the
private sector develops a plan and government and the legislature
won't buy it?"
Another major problem has been the tendency to look at
economic development issues in isolation, either from other
development concerns or isolated from social and environmental
issues. In the reverse, environmental and regulatory decisions
have frequently been made without analyzing their effects on the
overall economy.
Easley pointed out that the year 1986 is the second of a
five-year undertaking by the Resource Development Council to bring
about positive direction and action that will lead to an
expanding, more balanced economy.
As the first stage of developiong a five-year strategy for
achieving Alaska's economic priorities, RDC leaders said direction
should come from the bottom up, and not from the top down. As a
Page 16
result, RDC charged Alaska communities last year to begin raising
economic development issues on the public policy agenda at the
local level, and they have done that. The Council requested that
the communities, if not already doing so, form economic
·development task forces that would identify problems and seek
solutions.
Throughout 1985 the Council held economic development
workshops throughout the state to help communities set priorities
and launch programs to create new jobs. On February 14, 1986, the
Council held another workshop with community officials to share
efforts in solving the most difficult problem encountered in
Alaska--that of identifying the most workable process or structure
for reaching consensus on economic priorities, a process that will
help Alaska avoid the pitfalls of the Rhode Island experience.
With a workable process or structure for reaching consensus
on economic priorities in place, Easley said it will then be
possible to elevate economic development to the level of a
movement. And a powerful movement in which everyone plays a role
is what Alaska needs, Easley said.
"We have a successful environmental movement, why not an
economic development movement?"
* * *
In a segment focusing on the outlook for U.S. competitiveness
in the global marketplace, speakers highlighted the basic
industries supporting Alaska's economy, including petroleum,
minerals, fisheries, forestry and agriculture.
The production of oil at Prudhoe Bay pays for over 85 percent
of the cost of: running Alaska's state government. It also
supports a huge portion of the private-sector economy by providing
funds for capital improvements, government programs, contracts and
municipal assistance/revenue sharing payments to local
communities.
The Governor's budget department estimates that the state
loses $150 million in revenue for every $1 drop in oil prices. As
a result, the direction prices take is very important to Alaska.
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OPEC's production restraints have been the main factor
holding prices above $25 per barrel, according to Clair Ghylin,
Manager of the Land Department, Western Region, Chevron U.S.A.,
Inc. When those constraints were not followed, prices fell
sharply ·in January, and it's difficult to forecast where the price
of oil will stabilize •
Ghylin said at some point below $15, basic supply and demand
economics begin to check in. Supply would be affected because
producers would start to shut down higher-cost producing wells to
avoid operational losses. Although industry analysts recognize
that prices could reach such an extreme low level, they don't
expect them to stabilize there for an extended period.
If they did, oil demand would gradually start to respond,
too. But at $20, demand probably won't be affected very much in
the short term.
The Chevron executive said short-term demand will not be
encouraged by increased economic activity associated with the oil
price cuts. The Gross National Product will be affected by
cheaper energy, but not immediately. About the only thing that
could help oil demand now is the amount of fuel oil consumed by
utilities and major industrial plants. But Ghylin said if the
industrial users buy more fuel oil, they'll only be backing out
of some other fuel source.
Presumably this would be coal, because natural gas producers
would trim their prices to stay competitive with fuel oil. Coal
is somewhat vulnerable because its price is already fairly cost-
oriented. There is, however, some flexibility in coal prices
because of the strong interest railroads have in hauling the
commodity.
If there's no "hook" to ~top oil prices from drifting lower,
what can America expect? According to Ghylin, before too long
foreign oil producers may join Saudi Arabia in an effort to
curtail production. Until now, Saudi Arabia has borne a
disproportonate share of production restraints. There is no
specific price level that is likely to force other producers to
limit output, but self interest is a strong factor.
Page 18
An agreement makes a lot of economic sense, Ghylin pointed
out, not because oil prices should be higher or lower, but because
they should be stable.
Lower prices may actually benefit U.S. refineries by lowering
the cost of raw materials. The same lower prices would hurt
exploration and production, but so does the mere possibility of
lower prices. In the upstream end of the business, Ghylin said
perceptions of what may happen are just as important as what does
happen. He explained that if there's too much instability and
uncertainty, "you're likely to see more decisions not to drill,
not to bid on leases, or not to make other investments. And that
could have an adverse impact on the whole industry and the overall
economy."
Ghylin explained that today's oil surplus occurred partly
from the rapid increase in oil prices arising from the 1973 Arab
oil embargo and the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Eventually the
drastic price increase of the 1970s created strong energy
conservation. Consumers reduced their use of oil and switched to
alternative fuels.
After 1978, oil consumption in the U.S. declined 20 percent
in five years. At the same time, higher prices spurred new
production outside OPEC from countries such as Mexico and Great
Britain. That combination of reduced consumption and increased
production resulted in today's oil surplus.
Industry analysts are predicting a gradual tightening of the
oil market in the 1990s. According to the "OPEC Comfort Zone"
theory, oil prices remain stable as long as demand for OPEC oil
stays in the 20 to 25 million b/d range. By 1995, production
should increase beyond 25 million b/d. From that point, oil
prices could be expected to start increasing faster than
inflation. Until 1990, however, with OPEC production below 20
million b/d and continued surplus producing capacity, prices can
be expected to remain weak.
Regarding U.S. energy consumption, in the long term petroleum
is expected to retain its role as the majority energy source in
the U.S. But coal is the big gainer in the years ahead,
presumably through price-competitiveness. Nuclear energy will
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Page 19
make a modest contribution, thanks to plants which are already
largely complete and coming onstream in the next few years.
Synthetics and other alternate sources are expected to provide
less energy than foreseen a few years ago.
Turning to the supply side of the forecast, oil production
from Alaska is currently stable and gains are occurring offshore.
But after 1990, the U.S. will fail to make up for the decline in
onshore production. This decline is occurring primarily in the
mature producing regions of America, where production peaked in
1970 and has been falling ever since.
Most new offshore production will come from the Pacific
Coast, underscoring the need for new leases for exploration.
Delays and disappointments could easily result in lower
production.
In the long term, existing oil production is expected to
decline rapidly, making it imperative that industry continue
exploration activities since it takes eight to eleven years to
bring new discoveries into production. Overall, domestic supply
is expected to fall while cons~mption should rise. Right now
America imports about one-third of the oil it consumes. By the
year 2000, the U.S will likely be importing about half of the oil
it uses.
* * *
In 1985 Alaska made its debut in the modern seaborne steam
coal trade beginning with shipments to Korea from the Usibelli
mine at Healy. These exports could be the beginning of a very
bright future for Alaska, as the state has extensive reserves of
steam coal that could compete in the growing seaborne trade.
Addressing evolving supply and demand patterns for coal, Dr.
Joseph Yancik, Director of the U.S. Office of Energy,
International Trade Administration, pointed out that worldwide
seaborne steam coal trade is linked very closely to the generation
of electricity and industrial use of process heat in cement and
other manufacturing plants.
Page 20
The main factors that influence this trade are economic
growth, electricity demand, indigenous coal production and the
delivered costs of coal relative to other substitutable fuels.
These factors have changed seaborne steam coal trade in the past
12 years. In 1970, the total world use of steam coal was almost
two billion short tons. International trade in steam coal was
only 80 million tons or about four percent of the total. ·Seaborne
trade accounted for about 30 percent of international trade, or
about 25 million tons. In 1982, the total world use of steam coal
was about 3.6 billion tons. Seaborne steam coal trade was 110
million tons which is about three percent of the total and 37
percent of the international trade.
Major changes have occurred in the international steam coal
market since 1975. The basic considerations behind energy fuel
choice decisions have not changed; coal still competes against all
energy fuels. What has changed are the importer/exporter trade
patterns and they have been altered significantly.
From 1975 to 1985, seaborne trade grew from 37 to 136 million
tons. In 1985 the major suppliers of seaborne steam coal were
Australia, South Africa, United States, Poland and Canada. By
1995 the market is expected to total about 233 million tons, a 5.5
percent growth rate over 1985--considerably less than the annual
growth of 14 percent from 1975 to 1985.
In 1975, the U.S. was the number two supplier, close behind
Poland, but by 1985 it was a swing supplier because it became a
high-cost source of import coal. In the next five years, Columbia
will be one of the top five exporters, challenging the U.S. for
third place, and displacing Canada from the top five. China could
enter the market in a big way in the next five to ten years,
although-tha-t -is -not certa-in; - ----
The major markets for seaborne coal will not change much in
the next five years. Western Europe in 1985 accounted for 56
percent of the total market for imported steam coal while the
Pacific Rim was 38 percent.
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* * *
Rear Admiral William C. Matt, Vice President and General
Counsel of the National Strategy Information Center, addressed
global politics and minerals production.
Actions in Saudi Arabia will have direct impacts on the
Alaska economy, he reported, as well as state-owned minerals
development in places like Zaire, Zambia and Chile. Imported
minerals have an unfair advantage over those produced in America
since foreign operations do not face similar environmental
restraints or high labor costs.
Proposals in Congress to levy an import tax on minerals
importations to make American industry more competitive have
moved little according to Admiral Matt since most of the Third
World countries owe American banks so much that they couldn't
service their debts without export of cheap mining products.
Furthermore, their production is often financed by ''soft" loans
from the multinational development banks like the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund.
The National Strategic Materials and Minerals Program
Advisory Committee advised President Reagan to instruct his
representatives to any multinational lending agency to vote
against any loan that would create or contribute to supply-demand
imbalance for any internationally-traded strategic commodity.
How might such loans impact minerals production in Alaska?
Foreign state-run mines operated at a loss with "soft'' loans could
make Alaska mining non-competitive, Admiral Matt warned. He urged
Alaskans to fight against any measures in the upcoming tax bill to
take away mining tax incentives.
The Admiral stressed the U.S. should foster a domestic mining
industry capable of fulfilling national requirements and
minimizing the risks associated with foreign sources of supply. A
focus of federal activities on the problems of the minerals
industry and responsible coordination of the vast federal
resources is in critical need.
Page 22
In concluding his presentation, Admiral Mott pointed out that
the Soviet Union is pressuring Japan, one of the world's most
vulnerable industrial nations, to abandon western sources of
minerals and oil supplies and turn to reliance on Russia. He
urged Alaska to expand its efforts to be a reliable supplier of
resources to the Pacific Basin. It's in the .interest of America
to have Alaska rather than the Soviet Union be Japan's supplier,
he said.
* * *
The U.S. fishery zone should be entirely Americanized, but
the phase out of foreign involvement should be gradual, according
to Richard J. Baker, President of Mrs. Paul's Kitchens, Inc.
At issue is the speed at which the nation's fisheries within
the 200-mile limit of the Fisheries Conservation & Management Act
of 1976 are being "Americanized" as envisioned by the act.
Nationally, the act has helped to encourage more fishing by
Americans and to displace foreign boats in American waters. The
act protects American fishermen and fishery resources within 200
miles of shore from uncontrolled fishing by foreign fleets.
The allocation of foreign catch has dropped from 2.1 million
metric tons in 1977 to 0.7 metric tons in 1986.
Mrs. Paul's Kitchens started using pollock in about 1970.
The company pioneered the introduction of the new specie in its
products, put a costly marketing campaign behind it and created a
demand for this specie on the part of the American consumer.
The pollock fish blocks purchased were initially packed in
Japan, but due to increasing wage rates, most of the blocks are
now made in Korea.
Baker said an effort underway to increase the price of
pollock block by 56 percent would price pollock in the same range
of cod which is considered a higher quality specie.
Such an effort ignores the fact that the Soviet Union
controls a pollock resource larger than Alaska's. As a result,
Baker believes joint ventures--where Alaska fishermen catch the
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Page 23
fish and then turn the net over to a Japanese factory ship--is
probably the best.
Where Alaska stands to benefit most is secondary
manufacturing such as surimi where the use of hi-tech, advanced
equipment produces a very high quality product at a competitive
price, Baker said.
* * *
Wood has been an important commodity in world trade for
centuries. The continued significance of world wood flows is
evident by a total value of global forest products trade in 1980
of $34 billion.
Wood products trade flows from wood surplus to wood deficit
regions. Relatively few nations export forest products, as their
domestic wood supply is used for meeting domestic requirehents.
Even though extensive forest resources exist in many nations,
forest products exports are possible only if economic demand
justifies the extraction and shipment of that wood.
According to Dr. Thomas Waggener, Director, Center for
International Trade in Forest Products at the University of
Washington in Seattle, Canada and the United States are the two
most heavily involved countries in forest products export trade.
Total U.S. forest products exports were valued at $5.6 billion in
1983 and constituted about 12 percent of all forest products
exports. In that year, Canadian wood exports were valued at $10.2
billion or 22 percent of total exports, Waggener said.
On the import side, the U.S. is the largest importer of
forest products. In 1983 its share was $9 billion or 16.9 percent
of all world forest products imports, according to the Waggener
report. Japan was second at $6.1 billion or 11.4 percent.
The major commodity groups considered in forest products
production and trade are broadly defined as fuelwood, industrial
roundwood, sawnwood lumber, wood-based panel products, wood pulp,
printing and writing paper, newsprint and other papers and
paperboard.
Page 24
Softwood logs are the major solid wood product exported by
the United States, accounting for 40.1 percent of the total value
of wood products exported in. 1984. Combined U.S. exports of
softwood and hardwood lumber were 30.2 percent of the total value
of solid wood products exports, while veneer, plywood arid other
panel products together accounted for ten percent of the total.
Alaska has approximately 16 percent of all forest land in the
United States. Most of the standing timber in Alaska is old
growth, meaning the timber has never been commercially cut.
Total Alaska exports of forest products between 1979 to 1984
were valued at $1.55 billion. The trend is one of decline, shown
by export values of $339 million in 1980, $272 million in 1983 and
$217 million in 1984.
Native corporations, which received prime timber land through
the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, currently play a major
role in the contribution to Alaska's economy through the export of
roundwood. These log exports increased from 25 million board feet
to a peak of 160 million board feet in 1980. This has offset the
general decline in the export market for sawn cants since 1980.
However, the current economic situation in the forest
products industry in Alaska is unstable at best. Global markets
have been weak, causing a 50 percent drop in the annual Alaska
harvest.
Alaska's vast physical forest resources hold great potential
in the economic development of both the forest products industry
and the state economy. The current constraints to development as
well as areas of opportunity must be rationally analyzed.
Realistic strategies that can work within the foreseeable state
economic framework must be developed and put into action.
* * *
In a presentation regarding the profitability of agriculture,
economist William Motes said the question is not whether Alaska
farmers can compete with distressed commodities in today's market,
but whether over the long run, Alaskan farmers can cut costs enough
to compete, first in Alaska markets and then perhaps in the Pacific
markets.
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With the help of their location advantage, efficient Alaskan
farmers can expect to do so, Dr. Motes said.
More than half of all American farmers lost money in 1984,
and it is likely a higher proportion will fail to break even in
1985. Alaska farmers have no reason to expect a more favorable
outlook than others.
The Alaska meat, milk and egg markets are protected to some
degree, but Alaskan profits depend on how efficient farmers are,
as well as on economic conditions and policies in the U.S. and
elsewhere. When the average U.S. farmer is losing money, Alaska
farmers can expect to be under economic pressure too.
Barley that sold for about $104 per ton in 1984 will get only
about $88 per ton for the 1985 crop, and could be as low as $65
per ton this year. But on a more positive note, grain prices are
expected to bottom out this year or next and grow stronger through
the rest of the decade.
Costs of barley production in Alaska are similar to those in
the northern plains, but development costs here are much higher.
Total cost is about $142 per ton for Alaska compared to $98 per
ton for the northern plains.
factored in, Alaskan barley
imported from the Lower 48,
But when transportation costs are
can be very competitive with barley
Dr. Motes pointed out.
Noting positive influences on agricultural viability, Dr.
Motes said that world population, and therefore demand for food
products, will continue to rise. The declining value of the U.S.
dollar is helping to boost American competitiveness in the export
market, and the government is replacing "terrible" policies with
ones more favorable to farmers.
* * *
In the case of natural gas markets, Alaska needs to concern
itself with not only project economics, but market economics. The
costs of the proposed Trans-Alaska Gas Pipeline System are not
definitive at this point, but the more difficult questions are
what price will prevail for the gas, and what is the availability
Page 26
of customers? In determining this, many factors are involved,
including the demand for gas in Japan, Korea and Taiwan, the
regulatory environment in those countries, the competitive
positions of other suppliers, the willingness of both producers
and consumers to take risks and change the current system of
supply and the future prices for competing fuels, especially oil.
According to Michael C. Lynch, Research Associate with the
Energy Laboratory at MIT, supply far exceeds the amount of demand
in Asian natural gas markets. Further, supply continues to grow
while demand is almost stagnant. This strongly suggests that the
price is too high, and the failure of the price to fall indicates
that non-market factors are at work.
The proposed Trans-Alaska Gas System has a lot of factors
working against it, but some in its favor as well. Most
importantly, the effort involved in moving it to a liquefaction
plant will mean that costs will be higher than most projects now
under consideration. However, recent pipeline cost estimates are
a lot lower than they were just a few years ago due to increasing -experience with Arctic construction work, expectations of better
cost control, a more competitive construction market and a better
regulatory environment.
One of the drawbacks, however, is that in order to achieve
the necessary economies of scale, the project needs contracts for
substantial amounts of natural gas. If only the first phase is
undertaken, nearly 250 Bcf/yr needs to be sold. This would
require more than some seasonal fuel-switching in Japan. On the
other hand, American companies are currently price-takers and
perhaps willing to accept a price less than crude oil equivalent
if it would ensure the sale, and Japanese companies might be
willing to accept some risk in order to start a new pattern of
dependable supply contracts.
# # #
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc., thanks the
following organizations and individuals for their assistance and
special services in helping make the 1986 International Conference
on Alaska's Resources a big success.
Special Air Fares Offered To Conference Attendees:
Alaska Airlines
MARKAIR
Reeve Aleutian Airlines
ERA Aviation
Peninsula Air
Ketchikan Air Service
Student Sponsorships:
Eklutna, Inc.
•
ALL V 0 L U N T E E R S
?.7
28
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EXPERT PANELISTS
Global Politics and Minerals Production
Donald Finney, U.S. Borax and Chemical Co.
Dr. John Sims, Usibelli Coal Co.
Dr. Earl Beistline, Alaska Miners Association
Stan Leaphart, Citizens Advisory Council on Federal Areas
Fisheries and the 200-Mile Limit
Robert Morgan, Pacific Seafood Processors Association
Greg Baker, Alaska Office of Commercial Fisheries
Sara Hemphill, Alaska Contact
Cheryl Sutton, Kenai Peninsula Fishermen's Cooperative
Petroleum -The New World View
Larry Smedley, Exxon
Peter Hanley, Sohio Alaska Petroleum Company
Norm Stanley, Texaco
Kay Brown, Alaska Department of Natural Resources
•
Industry Incentives: Costs and Benefits
Dr. Bradford Tuck, University of Alaska, Anchorage
Frank Danner, Peat, Marwick Mitchell & Company
Glenda Rhodes, Laventhol & Horwath
Senator Arliss Sturgulewski
Wood Products As A Worldwide Commodity
Thyes Shaub, Alaska Office of Forest Products
Robert Loescher, Sealaska Corporation
Joseph Henri, South-Central Timber Development, Inc.
The Profitability of Agriculture
Senator Jack Coghill
Dr. James Drew, University of Alaska, Fairbanks
Jerry Giauque, Alaska Farmers & Stockgrowers Association
Pat Mulligan, Mulligan Farms, Inc.
Asian Gas Markets In Coming Years
Frank Klett, Cook Inlet Region, Inc.
John Horn, Yukon-Pacific, Inc .
Coal: Evolving Supply and Demand Patterns
Cole McFarland, Placer U.S.A.
Connie Holmes, Coal Exporters Association
Steve Denton, Pool Engineering
Kent Grinage, Arctic Slope Consulting Engineers
Building Resource Transportation Systems
John Olson, Alaska Department of Transportation/Public Facilities
Jerry Zoet, Port of Valdez
Bill Coghill, Alaska Railroad Corporation
Rick Leland, City of Cordova
Effects of Government Decisions on Industry Competitiveness
O.K. "Easy" Gilbreth, Alaska Oil and Gas Association
Pedro Denton, Alaska Division of Minerals and Energy Management
Rose Rybachek, Alaska Miners Association
George Krusz, Alaska State Chamber of Commerce
From Rags To Riches: A Strategy That Works
Don Thornlow, National Bank of Alaska
Jim Wiedeman, Alaska Department of Commerce & Economic Development
Gary Anders, University of Alaska, Juneau
Organizing For State Economic Progress
Dorothy Jones, Matanuska-Susitna Borough
Robert Atwood, The Anchorage Times
Dr. Glenn Olds, Alaska Pacific University
Peter McDowell, Coopers & Lybrand
Irene Ryan, Retired Geologist
3()
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OPENING REMARKS
CHARLES R. WEBBER
PRESIDENT
RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL, INC.
GOOD MORNING. I'M CHUCK WEBBER, PRESIDENT OF THE RESOURCE
DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL. WELCOME TO THE SIXTH ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE ON ALASKA'S RESOURCES. IT'S BEEN A PLEASURE TO TALK
TO PEOPLE THIS MORNING WHO HAVEN'T MISSED A SINGLE ONE OF THESE
CONFERENCES. IT'S GOOD TO SEE ALL OF YOU HERE TODAY AND WE
PROIVIISE YOU AN EXCITING PROGRAM.
WHETHER YOU'RE A GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEE, A RETAILER, A DOCTOR,
CONSTRUCTION WORKER OR TEACHER, YOUR ECONOMIC FUTURE IN ALASKA
DEPENDS LARGELY UPON THE SUCCESS OF OUR STATE'S BASIC
INDUSTRIES.
BECAUSE ALASKA IS A "RESOURCE STATE'' YOU ARE PERSONALLY
AFFECTED BY HOW WELL OUR INDUSTRIES COMPETE IN THE GLOBAL
MARKETPLACE. THE GLOBAL MARKETPLACE INCLUDES THE ALASKA MARKET
AS WELL. INCOME FROM RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT FUELS EVERY SECTOR OF
ALASKA'S YOUNG ECONOMY AND IT'S UP TO EACH OF US TO KEEP THE
FIRE BURNING. •
THE RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL IS CONCERNED ABOUT THE
ECONOMY AND KNOW IT MUST BE A THRIVING ONE IF OUR FINANCIAL
SECURITY IS TO BE ASSURED .
AS STATE PETROLEUM REVENUES FALL, WHAT CAN ALASKA DO TO
PROVIDE MEANINGFUL EMPLOYMENT FOR ITS CITIZENS AND BUILD ON THE
PROSPERITY IT HAS EXPERIENCED OVER THE PAST DECADE? THE RESOURCE
DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL BELIEVES THE STATE MUST PROVIDE AN
INVESTMENT CLIMATE THAT ENCOURAGES EXISTING INDUSTRIES TO EXPAND
AND OTHER BUSINESSES TO DEVELOP NEW VENTURES IN ALASKA. THESE
NEW INVESTMENTS WILL CREATE ADDITIONAL SOURCES OF STATE WEALTH
AND NEW JOBS FOR ALASKANS.
OUR FUTURE LIES IN DEVELOPING COAL, MINERALS, FISH,
AGRICULTURE, TOURISM AND RESOURCES FROM OUR FORESTS AS WELL AS
FINDING MORE OIL AND GAS. IT IS OUR CONVICTION THAT ALL
ALASKANS SHARE THE BENEFITS OF RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT AND THE
PROGRAM ACTIVITIES AT THE RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL TO BRING
ABOUT THIS DEVELOPMENT .
FOR THE LAST TWO YEARS, THE COUNCIL HAS INFORMED THOUSANDS
OF ALASKANS ABOUT THE PROSPECT OF DECLINING OIL REVENUES AND
WHAT THE CITIZENS AND GOVERNMENT OUGHT TO BE DOING ABOUT IT .
THE MESSAGE WAS SIMPLE: GOVERNMENT NEEDED TO SPEND LESS, BUT
SPEND MORE WISELY, WE NEEDED TO GENERATE NEW INCOME FOR THE
STATE AND WE NEEDED TO FIND MORE OIL.
31
THESE SPEECHES WERE PART OF AN EFFORT WE AT ROC CALLED
"PROJECT 1995," AND THE IDEA WAS TO USE THE NEXT FIVE YEARS TO
DEVELOP A SENSIBILE STRATEGY FOR DIVERSIFYING ALASKA'S ECONOMY
AND THEN GIVE IT TIME TO WORK BEFORE WE SAW PETROLEUM REVENUES
CUT VIRTUALLY IN HALF BY 1995. LITTLE DID \vE KNOW THAT 1995
WOULD OCCUR SO SOON. PERHAPS NOW WE SHOULD CHANGE THE NAME OF
PROJECT 1995 TO "PROJECT TOMORROW."
THE MESSAGE OF PROJECT 1995 IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THEN EVER
BEFORE. WE MUST CUT STATE SPENDING, AND WHAT WE DO SPEND, WE
MUST SPEND WISELY TO GENERATE NEW WEALTH.
A RECENT POLL OF ALASKANS REVEALED THAT THREE OUT OF FOUR
SURVEYED POINTED TO NATURAL RESOURCE DEVELOPHENT AS THE KEY TO
ECONOMIC GROWTH, WITH ABOUT HALF OF THE RESPONDENTS SAYING THAT
ALASKA'S ECONOMY IN THE LONG RUN DEPENDS ON THE SUCCESS OF THE
OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY.
IT ALSO DEPENDS ON ALASKA RETAINING THE ABSOLUTE MAXIMUM
AMOUNT OF LOCAL, STATE AND FEDERAL LAND IN TRUE MULTIPLE-USE
CLASSIFICATIONS. WITH THAT IN MIND, MANY OF ROC'S ACTIVITIES IN
1985 WERE DIRECTED AT LAND MANAGEMENT PLANS PROPOSED BY STATE
AND FEDERAL AGENCIES. OVER THE LAST TWELVE MONTHS, THE
COUNCIL'S LANDS AND RENEWABLE RESOURCES DIVISION MONITORED,
STUDIED AND PROVIDED COMMENTS AND DIRECTION ON MORE THAN 50 LAND
USE PLANS. THROUGH ITS INPUT, RDC SEEKS TO ASSURE THAT LANDS
ARE NOT LOCKED UP BY STIPULATIONS AND REGULATIONS THAT COULD _
SEVERELY HINDER DEVELOPI~ENT AND FRUSTRATE EFFORTS TO DIVERSIFY
THE ECONOMY.
OTHER RECENT AND ON-GOING ROC PROJECTS INCLUDE
SEVERAL MAJOR LAWSUITS THROUGH ITS AFFILIATE ORGANIZATION THE
PACIFIC LEGAL FOUNDATION, WILDERNESS SUITABILITY REVIEWS,
FORMATION OF A PLATFORM TO ADVANCE ALASKA'S AGRICULTURE
INDUSTRY, RS2477 RIGHTS-OF-WAY PROTECTION, LEGISLATION TO USE
FOREST MANAGEMENT AGREEMENTS TO REVITALIZE ALASKA'S TIMBER
INDUSTRY AND EDUCATING THE PUBLIC ON THE PROBLEMS INHOLDERS FACE
WITH MANAGEMENT OF ALASKA'S NATIONAL PARKS. WE'VE BEEN BUSY
WITH REGULATORY AND TAX ISSUES, OCS LEASE POLICIES, AND
REPRESENTING YOUR INTERESTS BEFORE CONGRESSIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE
COMMITTEES AND STATE AND FEDERAL AGENCIES.
AT THE REQUEST OF ALASKA COMMUNITY LEADERS, WE ALSO
SPONSORED THREE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT WORKSHOPS DURING 1985 TO
HELP COMMUNITIES AND BOROUGHS SET PRIORITIES AND LAUNCH PROGRAMS
TO CREATE NEW JOBS. WORKSHOPS WERE HELD IN WASILLA, SOLDOTNA
AND FAIRBANKS, AND A FOURTH MEETING WILL TAKE PLACE FRIDAY AT
THE ANCHORAGE ASSEMBLY BUILDING ON TUDOR ROAD.
I KNOW YOU'RE ANXIOUS TO GET INTO THE PROGRAM. AND WE WILL
IN JUST A COUPLE OF MINUTES.
32
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I EXTEND AN INVITATION TO YOU AND YOUR FRIENDS TO VISIT THE
ALL-ALASKA EXPOSITION TO SEE WHAT ALASKA'S COMMUNITIES HAVE TO
OFFER. I HOPE YOU'LL TALK TO EACH EXHIBITOR AND LEARN ABOUT THE
PRODUCTS AND SERVICES THEY WOULD LIKE TO SHARE WITH YOU. ALL OF
THE EXHIBITS ARE HELD IN THE YUKON-KUSKOKWIM ROOM AND ON THE
MEZZANINE.
AT THIS TIME I WOULD LIKE TO YOU MEET THE PEOPLE WHO ARE
COSPONSORING THIS CONFERENCE AND WHO HAVE A MAJOR STAKE IN ITS
OUTCOME. LET'S WITHHOLD APPLAUSE UNTIL THEY HAVE ALL BEEN
INTRODUCED.
FROM THE ALASKA DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT ARE COMMISSIONER LOREN LOUNSBURY AND PAUL FLETCHER
FROM THE OFFICE OF ENTERPRISE. JOINING US FROM THE ALASKA
AFL-CIO UNIONS ARE RICH PELUSO AND MANO FREY. FROM THE NORTH
SLOPE BOROUGH IS JAMES SCEELES. STEVE CONSTANTINO, PRESIDENT OF
THE BETHEL CHAMBER IS HERE FROM THE CITY OF BETHEL AS WELL AS
MAYOR DOROTHY JONES FROM THE MATANUSKA-SUSITNA BOROUGH. DICK
LENAHAN FROM THE EXPORT COUNCIL OF ALASKA IS HERE ALONG WITH
MAYOR JOHN DEVENS OF THE CITY OF VALDEZ. REPRESENTING THE
MUNICIPALITY OF ANCHORAGE IS GORDON ZERBERTS, MANAGER OF PUBLIC
UTILITIES. I WOULD ALSO LIKE TO RECOGNIZE BARBARA BARRY FROM
THE UNIVERSITY OF ALASKA ANCHORAGE OFFICE OF CONTINUING
EDUCATION. •
PLEASE NOTE THAT THE CONFERENCE PROGRAM BEFORE YOU TODAY
WAS MADE POSSIBLE THROUGH OUR PROGRAM SPONSOR, ALASCOM. HERE
TODAY FROM ALASCOM'S PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE IS JUNIOR RAMOS.
AT 3:30P.M., KTUU CHANNEL TWO WILL HOST A SPECIAL ENERGY
BREAK FOR YOUR PLEASURE. WITH US TODAY FROM CHANNEL TWO IS KTUU
GENERAL MANAGER AL BRAMSTEAD JUNIOR AND ASSOCIATE NANCY JOHNSON.
THE ALASKA RAILROAD CORPORATION WILL HOST THE ENERGY BREAK
TOMORROW AFTERNOON. BILL COGHILL, DIRECTOR OF PLANNING , IS
HERE ALONG WITH JOHN GRAY, DIRECTOR OF MARKETING, FOR THE ALASKA
RAILROAD.
I'D ALSO LIKE TO RECOGNIZE OUR GENERAL SPONSORS. FROM
ALASKA AIRLINES WE HAVE CHERYL WILLIS. JOINING US FROM ARCO
ALASKA IS DAVID HEATWOLE, VICE PRESIDENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS.
BOB MCGRANE, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR IS ALSO A GENERAL SPONSOR.
WITH US TODAY FROM MARKAIR IS LESLIE LANGLA. FROM SOHIO ALASKA
PETROLEUM COMPANY WE HAVE-HUGH-DEPLAND. AND FROM STONE-AND
WEBSTER ENGINEERING CORPORATION IS WALTER BAGLEY.
TO ALL OF THESE ORGANIZATIONS, THANK YOU FOR YOUR STRONG
EXPRESSION OF SUPPORT FOR THE COUNCIL'S IMPORTANT WORK ON BEHALF
OF ALASKA'S ECONOMY. WE COULDN'T DO IT WITHOUT YOU.
I NOW CALL ON OUR MASTER OF CEREMONIES FOR THIS MORNING'S
PROGRAM, COMMISSIONER ESTHER WUNNICKE OF THE ALASKA DEPARTMENT
OF NATURAL RESOURCES, TO INTRODUCE OUR FIRST SPEAKER.
33
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Global Polit1cs and Minerals Production
by
Rear Admiral William C. Mott, USN {ret.)
Chairman
National Strategic Materials and Minerals
Program Advisory Committee
and
Vice President and General Counsel
of the
National Strategy Information Center
New York, N.Y.
presented to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth International Conference
on
Alaska's Resources
"Crisis in Resource Production:
Can America Compete
and
Alaska's Competitive Position:
Public Policy Issues"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
•
15
A headline on th~ front page of the Washington Post last
week read "As Petroleum Prices Fall, So Does Alaskan's Life
Style." The story paints a grim picture o{ the economic future--
too grim I think--of Alaska. Your State is blessedly rich in
resources, oil, minerals, timber, scenery and, most important
of all, your people. The purpose of this conference, as I
understand it, is to examine how to manage and develop your
unusual--! might even say unmatched--resources.
I can remember a time just 30 years ago when the Wasnington
Post would have "bleaked" (that's a coined word meaning without
hope or encouragement) you completely off the front page. That
was a time when the question of statehood for Alaska was before
the Congress of the United States.
The Acting Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General
Nathan Twining, USAF, sent for me in my capacity as Special
Assistant to the Chairman for Congressional and legal matters.
Those of you who are old enough to rememoer "Nate" wnen he served
here at Elmendorf know that a more blunt, honest, likeable military
officer never lived and that's a tribute from the Navy.
"Bill," he said, "President Eisenhower wants me to testify
in favor of statehood for Alaska. See what you can do about
preparing a statement for me to give before the House Interior
Committee."
"Yes, sir," I replied. What else to the Chief of Staff
of the United States Air Force? As I turned to go he warned:
"You'd Detter look up what I've said before. At Elmendorf I
think I testifed locally in favor of statehood but when Ike was
first elected I think he asked me to testify against it for
political reasons at the time."
Research confirmed that that the General's recollection was
correct and those opposed to statehood in Congress would be sure
to remember his inconsistency. So I went to your then delegate
in Congress, Bob Bartlett, a wonderfully warm and helpful man.
"Please give me all the arguments in favor of statehood" I asked.
And he did--they appear in General Twining's statement. I
already knew the opponent's arguments: that Alaska was a
Federal dependency; not economically viable as a State: and
unsaid, but in the minds of the Democrats in Congress, apt to
become Republican. I suspect that was what was in Ike's mind all
along!
When I reported back to the General with a proposed draft
favoring statehood the first question he asked was: "Bill, how
do I explain my past contradictory questions." "Why, General,"
36
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I replied, "you turn it to advantage by starting with a quote
from Ralph Waldo Emerson's essay on Self-Reliance:
"A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds,
adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines. With
consistency a great soul has simply nothing to do ----Speak
what you think today in words as hard as cannon balls, and
tomorrow thinks in hard words again, though it contradict
every thing you said today."
General Twining did, and helped carry the day for statehood.
None of the naysayers were correct about your lack of viability
as you have proved since. tou are viable as a State and with
proper leadership will remain viable. In fact, there are many
States in the Lower 48, including my State of Virginia, that
would like to have a 6 billion dollar reserve. All they can look
to is increased State taxes and you don't have any to increase!
So count your blessings as you consider your economic future.
If the drop in oil prices does one thing for Alaskans, it
should make them keenly aware that they do not live in a cocoon,
divorced from the rest of the world. What Sheik Yamani does in
Saudi Arabia has a direct effect on the economy of your State.
The same goes for State-owned minerals development in places like
Zaire, Zambia and Chile which do not have the environmental
restraints that you do and can even operate at a loss as a kind
of public works program for its otherwise unemployed citizens.
Proposals have been made in Congress to levy an import tax on
such minerals importations to 1nake our own industry more
competitive. They haven't gone anywhere because most of the
Third World oil and minerals producing countries owe us so much
money they couldn't service their debts without exports of cheap
mining products. Furthermore. their production is often financed
by "soft" loans from the multinational development banks like
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
our 25-man advisory committee, which includes Alaska's own
Dave Heatwole of ARCO, took a look at the problem of such soft
loans and by unanimous vote advised President Reagan, through
Secretary of the Interior Clark:
"That the President instruct his representatives to any
multinational lending agency to vote against any loan that would
create or contribute to supply-demand imbalance for any inter-
nationally traded strategic commodity."
We felt that "our guys" on these lending institutions
should consult with the leaders of the domestic minerals industry
to find out how such "soft" loans would impact on their economic
viability.
37
How might such loans impact on minerals production in Alaska?
You are about to develop a big lead~zinc mine at Red Dog and a
molybdenum mine near Ketchikan. Don't let foreign state-run
mines operated at a loss with "soft" loans make your mining
non-competitive. And, fight, through your members in Congress
to prevent the upcoming tax bill from taking away mining tax
incentives. Our Committee sent a strong letter on that subject
to the Secretary of the Treasury and Senator Packwood who'll
be working on the tax bill when it comes from the House.
Urge your representatives in Congress and your mining
community to keep in close touch with the new National Critical
Materials Council at the White House. Al Overton, the President
of the American Mining Congress, and I went before that Council
at its first public meeting and urged its members to closely
examine the state of mining in this country. The words of
President Overton are especially noteworthy:
"We should foster a domestic mining industry capable of
fulfilling national requirements and minimizing the risks of
undue dependence of the United States on foreign sources of
supply. What we need is a focus of Federal activities on the
problems of the mining and minerals industry and responsible
leadership and coordination of the vast resources of the Federal
Government."
Alaska should make its voice heard in the councils of the
Federal Government to carry out Mr. Overton's plea.
I might say you have a strong ally in the Secretary of the
Interior. Don Hodel, who comes from nearby Washington, is a
former Secretary of Energy, and understands Alaska's problems as
perhaps no other Cabinet officer does. Moreover, the Assistant
Secretary of Interior for Water and Science, Bob Broadbent, is
a member of the White House Council on Materials and will be
a key player in the development of minerals policy. And don'c
forget the Mott Committee with its able voice from Alaska,
Dave Heatwole.
There's another Bill Mott in Washington--the head of the
National Park Service. Your parks should be a big attraction
for tourists but they need more facilities, especially for over-
night campers if they are to be -a major draw. Get after Bill
Mott; not this one--the other one.
For many years in the course of my naval duties I lived in
Hawaii and worked with the Hawaiian Visitors Bureau. Hawaii
used to be a sugar and pineapple State with a few papayas and
macadamia nuts thrown in. When the Federal Government took
38
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actions which hurt the economy of the State, they were in the
same kind of economic trouble you think you are now. It's no
secret that tourism saved the economy of Hawaii. Private invest-
ment from America and Japan built vacation resorts on all the
islands and a concerted effort was made to attract tourists.
I know you have made efforts in recent years to advertise
the charms of Alaska in the Lower 48. Follow Hawaii's example
and double and expand your efforts world-wide. After all, you
are the Switzerland of America! Make it fashionable to come
here. By all means fight for the Winter Olympics. They helped
Yugoslavia, and they should help you.
"It's an ill wind that bloweth no man good" said the poet.
Once again, ill winds th~t blow thousands of miles from Alaska
may do good here. You may not think that the Achille Lauro
terrorism incident in the Mediterranean could have an effect on
Alaska and its tourist business. But it might because it has
driven all cruise ships out of the Mediterranedn area. They
have to have some place to go and they could be attracted to
Alaska. Someone should go after them. The airlines could help
you, too, by offering more package fares in cooperation with
your fine hotels.
Let me speak to you for a moment as a retired association
executive and active life member of the American Society of
Association Executives as well as a member of the Committee of
100 of the u.s. Chamber of Commerce. You need to attract
conventions to Alaska--big ones. To do that you work through
your State associations like the Alaska Telephone Association
with which I'm familiar. Its members pay dues to USTA, the
national association. It might be persuaded to at least hold
seminars or showcases here in Alaska. So it goes with other
Alaska State associations. A canvass should be made of national
association meetings in Seattle, Portland, Vancouver and California
cities plus Hawaii. Attractive tail-end visits to Alaska could
be sold. In fact, when the Committee of 100 met recently in
Vancouver, some of the members split off and came to Alaska.
The possibilities are unlimited.
Sometimes, I think you don't realize the attractions of
your State. When I used to issue orders sending officers to duty
here, they would frequently come to me and beg not to be sent
to Alaska. Orders were orders, I said. Be off. Now listen
carefully to what I'm about to say. I never ordered an officer
up here who didn't request an extension at the end of his tour!
Alaska gets in your blood!
39
As you develop Alaska's resource riches you w~ll, no
doubt, have confrontations with environmentalists. You had that
in spades with the Alaska pipeline built, as I understand it, by
the Fluor Corporation. There are times when our national govern-
ment does stupid things in the name of the environment. I was
reminded when our Nation's seventh Trident missile-firing sub-
marine, the USS Alaska, was co1nmissioned recently by Senator
Ted Stevens, of a particularly bad environmental confrontation
in Bangor, Washington. Submarines have to have some place to
go for R&R for the crew after they return from their missions.
The Navy selected Bangor but the environmentalists said no and
lay down in front of the bulldozers. The case went to court
and the Pacific Legal Foundation (I understand it has an office
with Paula Easley) defended the Navy's case and won. Don't
let environmentalists, whether of the public or private variety,
dictate to you. Sue them!
As president of the Capital Legal Foundation, I once sued
the Congress of the United States for violation of the Clean
Air Act in its operation of the Capital Heating Plant--and won.
Don't let them hamstring your minerals development. And, by
the way, you should get Ted Stevens to bring the USS Alaska
to an Alaskan port, perhaps even home port her here!
Let me conclude by saying that our 25-man advisory com-
mittee is solidly behind the development and sale of hard rock
minerals in Alaska. Five years ago the National Strategy
Information Center published this little booklet on the Resource
War in minerals. Last week a 4-man television crew from Japan
arrived at my horne in Charlottesville to do a public television
show on the need for a minerals stockpile in their country. To
my astonishment they pulled out this little book translated into
Japanese, which they said was behind the program. Japan is, ot
course, the most vulnerable industrial nation in the world to
any kind of cut off of her minerals and oil. That is why she
(and South Korea) should be Alaska's best customers.
Another NSIC book which has recently grabbed Japan's
attention is this one, "Natural Resources in Soviet Foreign
Policy" by John Thomas, a Soviet scholar now in our State
Department. He makes the case that the Soviet Union is
pressuring Japan to abandon western sources of minerals and
oil supplies and turn to reliance on the Soviet Union. I will
leave these books and our Committee's 15 recommendations with
Paula. If you read them you will understand why Alaska must
expand its efforts to be a reliable supplier of its resources
to the Pacific Basin. I made that point on Japanese television.
It's in the interest of our country to have Alaska rather than
the Sovi~t Union be Japan's supplier.
Good luck in your efforts.
40
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The 200 Mile Limit and Its
Effect on the Alaskan Fishery
By
Mr. Richard J. Baker
President
Mrs. Paul's Kitchens, Inc.
Phil~delphia, Pennsylvania
Presented
:.:. tr.e
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth International Conference
on
Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
and
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
L'-1
I appreciate the opportunity to talk to a broadly based group of
executives from Alaska's business, govermnent and educational coomunities.
My previous talks and discussions in Alaska have zoore or less been limited
to those people with interests involving seafood exclusively. Alaska is
very important to Mrs. Paul's Kitchens. More than 50% of the fish we use
comes frcm Alaskan waters and we are the largest purchasers of fish block
in the United States and very probably in the world. I have visited
Alaska, I am sure, zoore than a dozen tlines in the past 10 years and I say
this to emphasize again how important Alaska is to the fortunes of our
canpany.
Since this is a group that includes other than people from the
seafood industry, I believe it is proper to give a little background on
the fishing industry in Alaska and the U.S. laws which govern it to set
the stage for the mess~ge I hope to convey. This infonnation may be
redundant for sane of the audience but may be important to others in order
to follow the ccmnents that I make later on.
The U.S. Congress in 1976 passed the Fishery Conservation and Manage-
ment Act, usually referred to as the Magnuson Act. It took effect in 1977
and created an exclusive fishery conservation and managenent zone extend-
ing ~00 miles off the u.s. coast. This, obviously is not limited just to
Alaska but extends along the entire coastline of the U.S. The reason
behind the act was the recognition that the uncontrolled fishing which
e:d.sted was penni tting foreign fleets to come into U.S. waters and almost
totally destroy the resource by indiscriminantly over-fishing. Since it
was recognized that this was a valuable national resource, it was neces-
sary to protect it. Similar action was taken by many other nations around
the world at about the same time and the net result was to substantially
change the patterns of fishing which had existed for many years.
Recognizing the changes that had to occur but attempting to lessen
the initial impact and trauma, the Act permits continued foreign fishing
but on an allocation basis and takes into consideration specific criteria.
These include market access, purchases of U.S. harvested and/ or processed
product, enforcement cooperation, need for domestic consumption, other
contributions to the growth of the U.S. fishing industry, traditional or
past fishing activities in the zone, research contributions and a few
others. The total amount of fish which is available to be allocated is
determined on a fishery by fishery basis. It starts by determining
scientifically the optimum yield, which means the arnount of fish which can
be caught without adversely affecting the resource. The amount of fish
which is required by U.S. fishennen and processors is subtracted from the
optimum yield and the remainder may then be allocated to individual ·
foreign nations based on the criteria that I mentioned just before. It is
anticipated lll the act that the catch in these fisheries by U.S. fishermen
will increase year by year to the point that the fishery will be entirely
"Americanized" and there will be no fish left over to allocate to foreign
nations. This has already OCCL'rred in some fisheries especially as it
relates to certain species. As it affects Alaska, we see a dramatic
change occurring here.
42
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After the Magnuson Act was passed, I visited Alaska in 1976 with the
then President of Mrs. Paul's, whan I subsequently succeeded. We made the
trip through the auspices qf Senator Steven's office and in fact had one
of his top aides with us. We talked with fishe:rmens' groups in Juneau,
Valdez, Anchorage and Kodiak. OUr purpose was to see how quicld y the
fishermen in Alaska were going to be able to change over from their
traditional fishing for crab and salmon into Alaskan Pollock, which is the
specie we are primarily interested in.
We had started using pollock in about 1970. Prior to that time,
pollock was not generally known in· the consumer markets of the U.S. and
even up in this area it was considered sanewhat of a trash fish. This was
largely because it had a tendency to deteriorate rapidly after being
caught and also did not command a price which in any way approached the
traditional crab and salmon species. Mrs. Paul's, however, back in the
late 60 's had recognizoo that to continue to grow, we had to explore other
species which could be suitable for the American consumer market. Working
with a Japanese canpany, we were able to develop a technique which re-
quired the rapid freezing of the fish immediately after it was.caught. It
was then taken to Japan where it was slacked out, hand filleted and
refrozen into fish block. This resulted in a fish which was boneless,
white, flaky and delicately flavored--All characteristics which the
American consumer demands. We pioneered the introduction of this new
specie in our products in the United States, put a substantial and costly
marketing program behind it, and created a demand for this specie on the
part of the U.S. consumer. Those of you in business can recognize that
we took a major risk in this marketing effort since consumer eating habits
are not easily changed. This is also the reason that Mrs. Paul's feels
that we have a major stake in the developnent of the pollock resource in
Alaska and why we so closely follow developments that occur in this area.
The fish blocks that we purchased were initially packed in Japan, as
I mentioned, but as the economy in that country developed and wage rates
increased, the industry IOOVed to Korea, since the production of pollock
blocks is very labor intensive. Most of the blocks are now made in Korea
and a substantial volume is also produced by the Poles. We are now seeing
the slCM birth of an industry in fish block packing in the People's
Republic of China (Mainland China) as well. ·
Referring back to my 1976 trip to Alaska, the discussions with the
fishermen's groups quickly developed the information that they would not
soon be switching over to the catching of pollock because of the econom-
ics. They ~1ere used ·to catching King Crab and salmon which ccmnanded high
prices and did not see how they could harvest pollock at 5 - 6 cents per
pound in a way that would be econanical for them. We realized it would
take a good number of years for u.s. fishennen to get involved with
pollock, so we stayed with our regular suppliers in Korea.
The industry has gone a long way since then and Alaskan fishermen are
now deeply involved in the Alaskan Pollock fishery. What probably was
responsible for sparking the change was the unexpected decline in the King
Crab Fishery. The fishe:rmen who had usually fisl;led for crab found them-
selves with idle boats and as a result, started looking much more serious-
ly at pollock. They experimented with ~1hat has come to be known as joint
ventures and found that they worked. Even though the pollock was low in
price per pound, the volume was so great that it paid off economically.
4J
~ ·.
These so called joint ventures have revolutionized the Alaskan Pollock
fishery. Basically, the way they work is a U.S. fishing boat works as a
catcher boat for a foreign factory vessel. It catches the pollock in its
trawl net and tows it to the foreign vessel where the end of the net
called the cod end is detached and hauled aboard the foreign vessel for
freezing or other processing. The foreign vessel may freeze the fish in
the round for later sale as is or for additional processing back in its
hane countcy. This is the usual case with the Korean vessels. The fish
may also be semi-filleted or even completely filleted and frozen into
boneless fish blocks as is done by the Polish vessels.
To give you sane idea as to how effective the Magnuson Act has been
in Americanizing the u.s. fisheries, let me give you sane numbers. Start-
ing in 1977, the total amount of fish allocated by the u.s. to foreign
nations was · 2 .1 million metric tons. That amount dropped to 1.-3 million
tons in 1985, and it is expected that in 1986 the amount allocated to
foreign nations will be no roore than approximately . 7 million. I person-
ally think this is substantial progress. Fran 2.1 million metric tons
caught by foreigners in 1917 to .7--(1/3 as much) in 1986 --9 years
later. The figures I have for Alaska are not entirely canparable, but will
show you a similar decline in foreign involvenent. In 1978 foreign
vessels caught 1. 8 million metric tons in the Gulf of Alaska and Bering
Sea. In 1985, it dropped to 1.2 million. While the allocations have not
been made for the entire year of 1986, the total allowable foreign catch
called the TALFF is 412,000 metric tons and the reserve is 293 metric
tons. So even if the entire reserve of 293 metric tons is allocated to
foreign nations, the total (412 plus 293) will not exceed 705,000 metric
tons. From 1.8 rni~lion in 1978 to 705,000 in 1986, a substantial decline.
Sane people in the industry in Alaska do not agree with me and feel that
it should be faster. They are urging the passage of legislation in
Washington that would mandate the end of all foreign fishing in Alaskan
waters by a specific date. I feel this is ill-advised. If no progress
were being made towards the goal of total Americanization of the resource,
there would be cause for concern, but what we are seeing here is natural
market forces accomplishing in an ordinary way the objectives we want to
achieve. My experience has always been that changes forced by mandate do
not succeed and often create chaos, where changes brought about by natural
forces are lasting and workable. I hope that sound reason will prevail in
this regard.
In many respects, this is quite a complex issue. The U.S. has a
tremendous pollock resource in the Alaskan waters. This resource belongs
to the entire country and should benefit all of our people or as many of
our people as possible. The American consumer has cane to accept pollock
as a quality seafood product which possesses all the attributes they look
for in fin fish and at a moderate price. (I stress the word moderate
because that is extremely important). They do not consider it as fine a
fish as cod or flounder and as a result, for certainly the foreseeable
future, its price will reflect this. In other words, it will always be
priced below those other two species. If artificially induced market
conditions force the price too high, the consumer will slow down or stop
her purchases of Pollock, switch to other species ·or other sources of
protein such as chicken. This is a very important factor which should not
be lost sight of despite the argument of some who may be in this roqn.
They feel that if the foreigners are totally forced out of U.S. waters and
Alaskans have control of this resource, they can get a much higher price
for the fish. They say they need 35 cents roore per pound for pollock block .44
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·to break even. I don't doubt the number, but with pollock block selling
in the U.S. at 63 cents a lb. , 35 cents rrore would be a 56% increase --
totally unrealistic and unacceptable. This also would price pollock block
in the same range as the usual price of cod, which as I mentioned is
considered a higher quality specie.
There is another fact which should be brought into the equation.
That concerns the Soviet Union. They share the waters of the Bering Sea
and their pollock resource is even larger than that of the United States.
In the past, the pollock which they caught in their zone has been used in
their danestic market. Of late, however, as demand for pollock has grown
without a corresponding increase in the resource, we have seen rrore
pollock caught by the Soviets appearing on the world market. The Soviet
Union, being a controlled econany, can decide how much pollock they will
keep for their own and how much they will sell on the international market
-if the price is right. -to produce hard currency, which they badly
need. This is a substantial factor in deteDmining the price at which
pollock '\<.rill sell for and would have an important bearing on arrJ attempts
to increase the price of pollock by an American policy which would elimi-
nate the involvement of foreign fishing in u.s. waters.
There has been a great deal of publicity in recent years on the
health benefits of eating seafood, especially the rrost current infonnatiom
on the discovery of the Qnega-3 factor which puts seafood out in front of
other low cholesterol food sources. Those of us in the indus~y certainly
welcome these developments since we agree that fish is beneficial and it
helps our businesses to grav. The increased demand for seafood products,
however, must be carefully managed since the. resource is finite and cannot
be quickly expanded. It is going to take the efforts of all elements in
ti1e seafood industry working together in an intelligent fashion to nurture·
this growth and prevent its being mismanaged.
'l'he whole issue of the management of our seafood resources is a
complex and convoluted issue. There is no easy solution. There also are
many forces at play as well. Several foreign nations --especially the
Japanese --have a large stake in the outcare --ai)d they are very active
in protecting their interests. Fishery matters becane entwined with trade
and political considerations between the u.s. and other nations. We wish
this weren't the case, but that's the reality of life. There are major
economic issues throughout. These impact a number of areas here in
Alaska, but they also affect us at Mrs. Paul's and others in the same type
of business. We canprise an area of the industry referred to as secondary
processors. We must have pollock block at a reasonable price to properly
serve the consumers we represent. If we don't deliver what the consumer
'\<lants, she '11 buy chicken or sane other protein. She has plenty of
choices today. That is why I'm very pleased to have been invited here to
present a point of view fran our sector of the industry that you may not
have heard before.
The message I'm trying to get across today is this, and we'll limit
it to the Alaska area only:
The U.S. Fishery zone should be entirely Americanized for the benefit
of all of our citizens. We finnly support that goal. Where we may
disagree with same is the way we reach that goal.
45
We believe legislation in economic areas should guide --not mandate.
I say that again. Legislation should guide --not mandate. We feel that
legislation --in the fonn· of the Magnuson Act -is in place and it is
working.
Nationally, we have seen the foreign allocation of fish drop from 2.1
million metric tons in 1977 to the expected • 7 million metric tons in 1986
-one-third as much. The decline in the catch in Alaskan waters has not
been as great, but still is substantial and impressive. The smaller
foreign catch means that that fish is now caught by American fishermen,
providing jobs, earning power, capital investment, tax revenues and so on.
If that doesn't prove the present system is working, I don't knCM what
will.
We say, don't be impatient. It's working. Let it continue to work.
There's no need to fix it-"It ain't broke."
46
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"PETROLEUM --THE NEW WORLD VIEW"
REMARKS BY
CLAIR 6HYLIN
MANAGER, LAND DEPARTMENT, WESTERN REGION
CHEVRON U.S.A. INC.
TO THE
1986 CONFERENCE ON ALASKA'S RESOURCES
RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL FOR ALASKA, INC.
ANCHORAGE, AlASKA
FEBRUARY 12, 1986
47
It is an honor for me to provide the petroleum overview for this
conference. I should point out right away that I am not an
economic analyst. Maybe that is a good thing and maybe not ••• but
in any case I was hoping to share the responsibility for this topic
with Dr. Henry Schuler of the.Georgetown Center for Strategic and
International Studies. Since he couldn't be here, the whole
opportunity is mine.
Fortunately, I was able to get some colleagues in Chevron's
Economics Department interested in this occasion. My presentation
includes some of their thinking.
[Slide 1 --Newspaper Headlines]
It's hard to imagine a more perilous time for forecasting. These
are recent headlines in San Francisco.
When oil prices fell in January, they entered a slippery area.
Where they'll go from here is not clear. Of course, the direction
prices take is very important to Alaska, as well as to our
industry. The governor's budget department estimates that the
state loses $150 million in revenue for every $1 drop in oil
prices.
OPEC's production restraints have been the main factor holding
prices above $25 per barrel. Take those constraints away, and it's
difficult to forecast where the price of oil will stabilize.
We do know that at some point below $15, ba·sic supply and demand
economics begin to check in. Supply would be affected because
producers would start to shut in higher cost producing wells to
avoid operational losses. Although our analysts recognize that
prices could reach such an extremely low level, they don't expect
them to stabilize there for an extended period.
If they did, oil demand would gradually start to respond, too. But
at $20, demand probably won't be affected very much in the short
term. The fact is, people already seem to be doing all the
driving, flying and heating they want. For example, driving in
the United States is now at a normal level of 10,000 miles per car
per year.
We've watched that statistic for years, and we've noticed that even
in a "boom," people never drive more than 10,500 miles, on average.
Probably, that's because there are only so many hours in a day or a
year. There's a limit to the amount of time people are willing to
spend in their cars.
Your winter has been unusually warm, and elsewhere the winter is
already over ••• from the viewpoint of heating-oil that might have
been used, but wasn't. So, demand (and the price of oil) are not
going to be strengthened from ~ quarter.
48
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Nor will short-term demand·be encouraged by increased economic
activity associated with the oil price cuts we've seen. The Gross
National Product will be affected by cheaper energy, but not
immediately. In a year we might see it •
About the only thing that could help oil demand now is the amount
of fuel oil consumed by utilities and major industrial plants. But
if the industrial users buy more fuel oil, they'll only be backing
out some other fuel source.
Presumably this would be coal, because natural gas producers would
trim their prices to stay competitive with fuel oil (and nuclear
plants can't switch to other fuels). Coal is somewhat vulnerable
because its price is already fairly cost-oriented. Even so,
there's probably some flexibility in coal prices because of the
strong interest railroads have in hauling the commodity •
* * *
If there's no "hook" to stop oil prices from drifting lower, what
can we expect?
Our guess is that before long the foreign oil producers may start
listening to the Saudi oil minister, Sheik Yamani, who is trying to
get other oil producing nations to join the effort to limit
production. Until now, Saudi Arabia and a few other states have
borne a disproportionate share of production restraints.
There is no specific price level that is likely to force other
producers to limit output. But self interest is a strong
motivator.
Frankly, an agreement makes a lot of economic sense ••• not because
oil prices should be higher or lower ••• but because they should be
more stable.
Lower prices tend to help oil importing countries (like the U.~)
and hurt oil exporters. Within the u.s., the benefits are
distributed widely across the economy to all oil consumers, while
the negatives tend to be concentrated in the oil producing regions
--like Texas, Louisiana and Alaska --and in the oil and related
oil service industries. Banks with energy loans also tend to
suffer.
Lower prices may actually benefit u. s. Refineries by lowering the
cost of raw materials. The same lower prices would hurt
exploration and production, of course ••• but so does the mere
possibility of lower prices. In the upstream end of the business,
perceptions of what may happen are just as important as what does
happen.
If there's too much instability and uncertainty, you're likely to
see more decisions not to drill, not to bid on leases, or not to
make other investments. And that could have an adverse impact on
the whole industry and the overall economy.
49
Turning now to the longer term outlook:
I'm going to provide a selective, updated version of Chevron's last
world energy forecast. (Later, if you wish, you can pick up copies
of the report in the back of the room.)
As I go, I'll be showing a few slides, because I think they help to
cut through the numbers and show the trends more clearly.
[Slide 2 --Oil Consumption Forecasts]
I'd like to take some time with the first one, which is concerned
with oil demand and demand forecasts.
The slide goes to the heart of what's been depressing oil prices
unexpectedly low demand.
The yellow line shows actual world oil consumption. The green
lines are consumption forecasts ••• most of them wrong ••• labeled
by the year in which they were made. (Among our economists, this
slide is called "Baring the Soul" because it clearly shows past
forecasting mistakes, as well as the problem of forecasting in
times of discontinuous change.)
As shown by the yellow line, actual oil consumption was robust as
the 1960s ended, trending upward at 7-to-8 percent a year --and
almost twice as fast as overall economic growth. During ·the '60s,
oil forecasts were consistently lower --it was hard to believe
that such rapid growth could be sustained. In 1973, the trend was
abruptly changed.
By then, non-OPEC countries were consuming all the oil they could
produce. Demand for OPEC oil went up to almost 30 million B/D,
which was close to the organization's maximum producing capacity.
With supplies that tight, it didn't take much of a supply upset to
frighten markets.
During the 1970s --first in connection with the 1973 Arab Oil
Embargo and then as a result of the 1979 Iranian Revolution --the
world price of oil rose more than tenfold, at one point reaching
$41 on the "spot" market. Eventually, these price increases
created strong energy conservation. Consumers reduced their use
of oil and switched to alternative fuels --especially in power
generation.
Conservation was especially strong after 1978. In our country, oil
consumption declined 20 percent in five years. At the same time,
higher prices spurred new production outside OPEC ••• from
countries such as Mexico and Great Britain, for example.
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That combination of reduced consumption ~nd increased production
resulted in today's "oil surplus." Currently, that surplus is
about 10 million B/D in the non-Communist world --mainly in OPEC
--not counting capacity temporarily lost because of the Iran-Iraq
war. That's roughly equal to maximum Saudi output in the '7Os •••
so you can see the wo rld.now has a huge cushion against potential
supply disruptions.
One last point before moving on: for th~ future, the ·slide
projects about one percent average annual growth in Free World oil
consumption. At that rate, a significant oil surplus could
continue for quite some time.
[Slide 3 --Time Profile of Demand Response to Price Change]
This is an engineer's way of explaining what we've learned since
1973 about conservation effects. This slide says that it takes
three or four years to achieve about half the conservation effect
of an oil price increase. And as much as 10 or 12 years for most
of the rest to be achieved. Conservation works slowly because it
takes time for consumers to adjust their habits, purchase more
efficient cars and insulate their homes.
In other words, in 1986 we're just now seeing the tail end of the
conservation caused by the 1973 embargo. We've seen only a little
more than half the effects of the second price shock associated
with the Iranian revolution.
It's this delayed aspect of conservation which teaches us not to
expect any immediate increase in demand as oil prices move lower.
Incidentally, I wish I knew whether this slide works in reverse --
that is, whether half the effect of an oil price decrease is felt
over four years, and so forth. Frankly we don't know. We've never
had a chance to study a price decline like today's. What we do
know is that a big share of the conservation is irreversible--
people are unlikely to rip out their new insulation just because
the price of oil drops.
[Slide 4 --OPEC Crude Oil Production]
This slide shows several things. First, it includes the current
forecast for OPEC oil production through the year 2000. As you can
see, OPEC's comeback is very gradual, reflecting the 1 percent
growth forecast for world oil demand and the very slowly declining
non-OPEC production.
The slide assumes that OPEC will continue to bear most of the
burden of unused productive capacity. Of course, that remains to
be seen. If the Saudis succeed in recapturing some market share
from non-OPEC producers, that could affect the slide. Otherwise,
the slide says that in the year 2000, OPEC still won't be producing
what it did in the peak year of 1978.
51
Also, the slide illustrates a point about energy conservation. The
light green area can be thought of as representing the difference
between the 1978 forecast for oil consumption and the current
forecast. That difference is staggering --150 billion barrels of
oil being saved, or the equivalent of 15 Prudhoe Bays that won't be
consumed in this century. This oil will still be available to
extend the oil era into the 21st Century.
Finally, some analysts look at this slide and predict a gradually
tightening oil market starting in the 1990s.
-What they're thinking of is the so-called "OPEC comfort zone"
theory, which says that oil prices remain stable as long as demand
for OPEC oil stays in the 20 to 25 million B/D range. If you look
along the line of the current forecast, you see production ·
increasing past 25 million B/D at about 1995. From that point on,
oil prices could be expected to start increasing faster than
inflation. Until 1990, however, with OPEC production below 20
million B/D and continued surplus producing capacity, prices can be
expected to remain weak.
[Slide 5 --u. s. Energy Consumption]
This slide and the next three are related, dealing with energy
demand, and sources of energy in the u. S. The dotted line is the
old forecast for total energy consumption. The straight line
trending right is the current forecast, signifying about 1.5
percent annual energy growth, on average.
[Slide 6 --u. s. Energy Consumption: Oil Layer]
Here we see oil's contribution to future growt~ It's modest •••
in fact, virtually flat (0.8 percent per year).
[Slide 7 --u. s. Energy Consumption: All Layers]
With natural gas added, petroleum retains its role as the majority
energy source in this country. But coal is the big gainer,
presumably through price-competitiveness. Nuclear energy still
makes a modest contribution, thanks to plants which are already
largely complete and are corning onstream in the next few years.
Synthetics and other alternate sources provide less energy than
foreseen a few years ago.
[Slide 8 --u. S. Crude Production]
Now let's turn to the supply side of the forecast, focusing on
u. s. production.
Here we see that oil production from Alaska is currently stable and
that we're making gains offshor~ But after 1990 we fail to make
up for the decline in onshore. This decline is occuring primarily
in the mature producing regions of the Lower-48 states, where
production peaked in 1970 and has been falling ever since.
52
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[Slide 9 u. s. Offshore Crude Production]
Most new offsho~e production will come from the Pacific coast --
offshore California and Alaska. (PAD 5" is the west coast
petroleum administration district; "1 through 4" is everything
else.) This is the reason why it's essen~ial that leases be made
available for exploration. Delays and disappointments could easily
result in lower production --it's very difficult to envision
circumstances where production could be higher than the level
shown.
[Slide 10 --u. s. Oil Supply and Imports]
The slide sums up the long-term u. s. situation.
Bottom right, existing oil production is shown declining rapidly •
That's a theoretical decline of 10 percent a year, representing the
falloff that would occur if industry exploration and production
investments stopped.
The next two layers show the new oil we hope to find, onshore and
offshore, through aggressive exploration and heavy investments in
"steamflooding" and other forms of enhanced oil recovery. In order
to have the oil from these expected new sources available in the
1990s, we have to start now. It takes from 8 to 11 years to bring
new discoveries into production under current conditions.
Overall, domestic supply is down while consumption is up, leaving
but one remaining source of oil to balance the picture: foreign
crude. Right now our country imports about one-third of the oil we
consume. The slide estimates that by the year 2000 we'll be
importing about half.
[Slide 11 --World Proved Crude Oil Reserves]
As this slide reminds us, OPEC countries control more than two-
thirds of the world's proved crude oil reserves. Thus, OPEC stands
to benefit when supply and demand once again tighten. Above all,
it would be a mistake to underestimate Saudi Arabia's continuing
impact on world energy markets and prices.
I have not included a projection for the future price of crude.
The slide would-have-to show so great a iarigeas -to-oe almost
useless --say, a spread of $20 to $50 a barrel for Saudi Light in
the year 2000.
* * *
In closing, I'll mention some of the real and potential problems
facing the oil and gas industry today --problems which could
adversely affect the industry's performance and leave the consumer
in worse shape than depicted in my slides.
53
As you know, energy conservation has left the u. s. industry with
unneeded _refining and marketing facilities. A shakeout began
several years ago and continues, as companies try to grow or
survive in a suddenly mature, fiercely competitive business.
As one aspect of industry restructuring, we've seen a lot of
mergers --Chevron's with Gulf being the largest example. It's
been said that because of these mergers, cash has been diverted
from exploration. We disagree. In our opinion, lower drilling
levels have been caused by what I mentioned earlier --uncertainty
over future price levels.
It's not just a question of what the price of oil will be next
year.
Long lead times are involved in finding, developing and bringing
oil to market. As I said, it typically takes 8 to 11 years after
the original lease sale, or up to 15 years if we're talking about
deep water or hostile environments. For the exploration manager
trying to decide whether to commit cash flow to a "wildcat," the
current situation ••• with its wide range of possibilities for
future oil prices ••• is a nightmare.
After that, I'd mention tax reform as contributing to a poor
investment climate.
In Washington, no final reform bill is in sight. But we are
concerned, because the legislation shifts tax burdens to business,
which hurts all business. Also, the House version eliminataes the
intangible drilling cost deduction, which would hurt our industry.
Finally, there's the ongoing problem of land access-for energy
development.
I'll only mention this in passing because you'll be considering it
later this morning ••• but some of the coastal states and some
environmental groups continue to try to block or delay virtually
every new federal offshore lease sale, including last month's
Bristol Bay sale in Alaska.
It's true that for the first time in four years, there is currently
no Congressional "moratorium" in force blocking offshore lease
sales. But no one is greatly encouraged for that reason. At any
time, the moratorium people could be back.
Ladies and gentlemen, I hope this conference generates support for
public policies which encourage petroleum production, in Alaska and
elsewhere.
Thank you for your concern and attention.
54
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w
Incentives -Costs and Benefits
by
Walter F. O'Connor
Vice Chairman-International
Peat Marwick
Presented
to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth International Conference
on
Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
AND
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
65
It is my pleas·u·re today to address you as part of the Alaska
Conference on Resource Utilization. In particular, I'd like
to share with you today some thoughts with regard to incentives.
However, I'm going to approach this subject matter from a differ-
ent perspective than perhaps most of you would anticipate.
The word incentive comes from the Latin word Incinere which
interesting enough means "to sing." Now I' 11 save you the
torture of listening to me sing, but I will try to put forth
some ideas --some of which that will challenge you --as to
how I think incentives fit into the Alaska economy. I will
also tell you how I think they do not fit into your economy.
As a start, the theme for my speech is going to be to "look
to fundamentals" as opposed to quick fixes in terms of incen-
tive gimmicks. I think states such as Alaska have to look
to their underlying fundamental assets such as: the educa-
tional system, infra-structure, the ability to move rna terials
into Alaska to be worked on, and also to move products out
of Alaska once they are produced. As you' 11 notice in no case
have I mentioned things like interest free loans, subsidize
training of people, nor tax holidays.
In my talk, I'm also going to emphasize the long range and
not the short range. If you're looking for a quick answer
to a fundamental problem, then don't look to my speech, I don't
have that answer. I will give you some thoughts with regard
to actions that Alaska might take to position itself for the
economic future utilizing its underlying assets and to make
up for deficiencies in those assets via the use of incentives
of various kinds. As an opening for our discussion, lets look
at a few basics I'd like you to keep in mind.
1.
2.
3.
4.
What really are the goals of Alaska?
any that are clear in your mind, and
of your culture?
Do you have
are they part
Do you really want a
Alaska or do you just
alone?"
change in the life style
want the world to "leave
of
you
What is your real resource? Is it things (like timber,
fish, oil) or is it the Alaska people?
Are you thinking of incentives to help you export
your products outside of Alaska or to encourage com-
panies to come to Alaska to create jobs or is it
both?
66
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7.
Is Alaska really like a less developed country?
Are Alaskans just pieces of machinery used to cut
timber, get fish out of the water, or are your people
more than that?
Is Alaska a close knit group of people from busi-
ness, government, and educational institutions or
are the groups fighting one another?
These questions are controversial. I propose to deal with
them during the course of my presentation and at the end give
you some challenges to think about. Now let's get started.
My presentation will be divided into the following sub-headings.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
I.
Why do people use incentives?
What types of incentives are used by various coun-
tries and states to encourage the economic base?
What are some examples of situations where incen-
tives are used?
Do incentives really work?
What of these incentive discussions are relevant
to Alaska?
Challenges for Alaska to consider.
Why do people use incentives?
Basically, governmental institutions use incentives
to encourage economic act ion in order to different i-
ate them from others. Countries like Singapore gives
incentives to differentiate it from Japan, Ireland
gives incentives to differentiate it from other common
market countries, and Puerto Rico gives incentives
to differentiate it-from other Latin American countries
But why differentiate? The answer is because these
countries have deficiencies in their fundamental
attributes that have to be made up by incentives.
That's just common sense. For example, if a country
has all the fundamentals going for it, why offer
incentives at all? But what are these basic funda-
mental factors that business people look to? They
are factors like size of the market, the costs of
inputs, the economic and political environment toward
investment, the availability of high skilled labor.
67
II.
Where any of these· are deficient, they have to be
made up for by incentives.
Let's also admit that the reason for making up for
these deficiencies essentially is to create jobs
in the country or state or city where activities
taking place. I will come back in a few minutes
to this whole question of the qualitative vs. quanti-
tative aspect of job creation.
So this is basically why people use incentives but
what incentives are used?
What incentives are people using?
Here a distinct ion has to be made between rna ior and
minor incentives. What do I mean by that? Basically,
what I'm getting at is major incentives are the quality
of labor, markets, suppliers, transportation, etc.
which are fundamental to an economic unit as opposed
to tax exemptions, low-cost loans, personnel training,
etc. It's essential to keep this in mind because
too many people go right to what I call minor incen-
tives, which are more "gii!liTiicks" to offset major
disadvantages. These minor incentives can't really
offset major disincentives and its good to know this
at the start. For example, if Alaska just can't
compete with California with regard to some of the
problems it has with cost of its labor, geographic
location, temperature, etc. then there probably are
no amount of incentives that will attract investment
from California to Alaska. Am I asking hard questions?
I certainly hope so. That's my purpose in being
here today. If you want soft pablum, then I suggest
you not go any further reading this article.
Attached as an exhibit to this article is a listing
of criteria that companies have developed for judging
investment in certain parts of the world. They are
listed in an order of priorities so that you get
some idea of what some companies consider most impor-
tant than others. There's not enough time to cover
all the criteria in this speech, but I offer it for
your study from the standpoint of what advantages
(and disadvantages) does Alaska have with regard
to these criteria. You could try to get companies
to not think of them as important, but then I think
you're swimming upstream. It's more important to
be realistic.
68
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III.
For those people who are inLerested in encouraging
people to develop exports specifically --which is
an area for which Alaska is noted --one of the main
"incentives" is to be visible at a global level.
For example, it is important thaL Alaska be visible
in those countries to which its exports are (and
will be) going, such as: Japan, Korea, and China.
While the strength of the dollar is an important
factor to exports, there is very little that Alaska
can do with regard to the strength of the U.S. Dollar
vs. the Japanese Yen or the Korea Won. Therefore,
it has to work on the elements over which it does
have some control (i.e., visibility).
I have a theory that the combination of (1) knowl-
edge of a product and (2) accessibility to people
who sell that product make for ( 3) additional sales.
Consequently, to the extent that a state 1 ike Alaska
can improve the knowledge of its products in the
foreign market and make its exporters more accessible,
it can gain a competitive advantage. This is an
incentive which is not labeled as such but is most
effective in expanding economi~ penetration of foreign
markets.
Let's take a look at some examples of other govern-
ment entities using incentives. Let's be specific.
With regard to the high tech area --maybe this is
not of interest to Alaska, I' 11 leave it to you to
decide --there are a number of factors with regard
to attracting high tech companies to a geographic
location. There is, for example, a need to have
a base for research and development. Japan, for
example, has used this very effectively. The exchange
of know-how by companies in a country (or state)
is important for the development of a high tech in-
dustry. Therefore, it is important that there be
a group of established companies in a state to give
a high tech expansion a head start.
This has been done in certain countries through the
form of "innovative imitation." What this means
is to reduce the risk of failure by not trying to
start from scratch with regard to R&D but rather
to "piggyback" on companies that are already in the
geographic area and imitate what they are already
doing.
69
This_ form of innovative imitation, allows companies
to escape from labor intensive industries into capital
intensive industries. It also enables the state
to identify specific infan1: industries that it wants
to protect and do it on a rifle approach as opposed
to a shotgun approach. In coun1:ries such as Japan,
this was done down to the point of selecting which
companies would be able to get know-how from abroad
and also whether the products would be licensed or
structured through joint ventures. No I'm not suggest-
ing that there is a parallel between Japan and Alaska.
But I am saying that, if Alaska wanted to get into
the high tech area, it must give consideration to
the way things have been done by successful countries.
In the case of Japan specifically, it did a lot of
controlling of what goes on in the country -and was
successful. Singapore, like Ireland, did less control
and, as a result, has not been able to obtain a high
degree of R&D activity nor penetrate the high tech
market. The idea of "Zaibatsu" creates a network
of companies within a state that feed off one another
and makes the whole greater than the parts. This
has to be considered by Alaska.
What other states in the United States have been
using incentives? Alabama and Mississippi have been
well noted for the sophisticated way in which they
have attracted foreign investment. They have a high
budget for things like training of people, provision
of land for plants, building of plants, tax incentives,
and a myriad of other things. The Southeast in basic
terms has been "successful" on the basis of the defini-
tion that politicians in those states would give
it. I'm not sure this is true but at least that
is what the politicians say.
The New York Times in a December 9 article listed
a series of states that have gotten heavily involved
in foreign investment into those states. Places
like Delaware, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana,
Nebraska, Wisconsin, and Washington have all pushed
hard with incentive programs in order to attract
foreign investment into those states. But one of
the key factors in this article is the competition
that goes on between the public and private sector.
It is interesting that the state governments, realizing
the federal government is stepping out of certain
economic activities, have to do something at the
state level to attract investment into them. These
70
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states mentioned have specific programs geared to
this type o£ investment. Many of them are structured
around the high tech industry. Some are creating
a pro-business atmosphere and others like Wisconsin
are trying to turn around an anti-business image.
Alaska would have to evaluate the status of its image
in the private sector to see to what extent it would
need state government assistance to overcome any
anti-business images.
What many of the states are also doing is "incuba-
ting" small businesses. In essence, what it does
is get small companies in the state started so that
they can reach a state of economic viability and
then go fully into the private sector. The intent
of these states is not to have the public sector
stay in the private sector indefinitely, but rather
to get these companies over the difficult hurdle
of infancy so that they do not get swallowed up by
larger private sector entities and never get off
the ground.
Another factor on how states are getting involved
in incentives is to zero in on job creation. Jobs
seem to be the major objective particularly in the
eyes of the politicians that are behind these programs.
They look either at trying to keep local plants which
would be shutting down to stay open or to lure plants
from other states. Here again, we have to go back
to what the major vs. minor incentives would be.
In my mind, if a state has significant major deficien-
cies no amount of incentive is going to get a plant
to move to ·that location, nor indeed would it enable
private industries to resist the urge to shut down
plants in those locations.
With regard to incentive programs going into certain
countries, why do some succeed and some fail? The
answer fundamentally seems to be in the "marketing"
of the incentive program. Those countries which
can cut through a lot of bureaucratic red tape and
provide a "one-stop shop" for private industry to
get itself started in a state in the easiest possible
way are the ones that are the most successful. Ireland
in particular (through the Irish Development Authority)
is one organization that has been emulated by many
groups on a worldwide basis. The hand holding aspect
of walking people through the government bureaucracy
is a definite plus factor for people that want to
be successful for any incentive program .
71
With regard to the quest ion of job creation. ·Robert
Reishe from Harvard University is producing a new
book called "The New Commonwealth." It basically
focuses on a simply idea, but I think it is a powerful
one. That is governments very often are (wrongly)
focusing on the number of jobs that are created as
opposed to the quality of jobs. This is going to
become a mistake as changes in industry take place
from smoke stack to high tech. Government officials
in order to get elected very often have to get quanti-
tative statistics on how the expenditures for incentive
programs are successful. This gets us to the core
of my presentation on costs vs. benefit. I don't
think a certain number of dollars expended equates
to a number of jobs. If one looks at Puerto Rico,
for example, it really has not created the quantitative
types of jobs that was originally envisioned. If
anything, in some industries (such as pharmaceuticals),
it would have been cheaper for the government to
give outright payments to individuals in Puerto Rico
rather than incur the heavier expenses of income
tax exemptions in order to create jobs. The creation
of jobs in capital intensive industries just isn't
there quantitatively. On the flip side, however,
the question is "what do you want your incentive
program to provide? A bunch of people who are just
parts of machinery or people whose intellectual capa-
bility is stretched because incentive programs create
a higher level of person in a state?"
One way countries and states are doing this is by
creating joint ventures between foreign investors
and host country people. By doing so, the human
beings in a state are upgraded in terms of the value
added they are providing to the output they are gen-
erating. To not do so is to do nothing more than
some U.S. companies did when they went to Europe
in the 1950s and 1960s. If you remember those situa-
tions, the United States companies basically used
the overseas locations as production output places, -but -serd.om -tr-aiis:ferred. ____ air-of --Fh_e_ -fecl:inology-thai
was needed in order to upgrade the quality of people
in the overseas plants. We may complain about this
from the standpoint of what foreign companies are
doing in the United States today, but are they really
doing anything different than what U.S. companies
did 20 years ago?
The reason this is important to Alaska is the proximity
of Alaska to the Pacific Rim. Countries like Japan,
72
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Korea, Taiwan, and The People's Republic of China
are so close to Alaska --as opposed to other states
in the United States --it is important for Alaska
to consider using incentive programs to attract coun-
tries like this to bring some of its technology to
the United States. We normally think in terms of
all technology flowing from the United States to
foreign countries. But in the last decade, we are
seeing a reverse flow of technology. The smarter
states in the United States will be the ones that
position themselves in a way to capitalize on this
from the standpoint of improving the quality of the
jobs created.
This is particularly important to Alaska because
of the high cost of labor in this state. If the
labor isn't worth what it is being paid, eventually,
it has either got to settle for a lower life style
or have to create an increase in the value added
to output by these high priced individuals. Alaska
labor just has to be worth what it's paid in the
long run because there's no "free lunch."
Some information I received from Alaska is that it
is willing to provide specialized financing to com-
panies coming in as long as they know what their
preferences are. However, the question here seems
to be that Alaska does not know what the preferences
are of the possible investors. It seems to me that
harder work has to be done with regard to investigating
what the investors in the foreign countries are inter-
ested in and target incentive programs on them.
Such incentives might not be things like interest
free loans or tax incentives rather they might be
a quest ion of offsetting negatives in the areas of
infra-structure, access to academic institutions
for R&D, and quality of people.
All is not bleak! Alaska has certain advantages
now from the standpoint of foreign trade zones such
as the one in Valdez. I'm not knowledgeable enough
about the situation here to know to what extent this
has been done on a rifle basis as opposed to a shotgun
program. However, I do know that in the case of
Pennsylvania, they created a free trade zone for
the Volkswagen plant itself! As a result, they made
it easier for Volkswagen to deal with custom duties
on supplies brought in to do the work in the Volkswagen
plants. Has consideration been given in Alaska to
creating free trade zones around specific manufacturing
plants in order to ease the production in this state?
73
IV.
v.
Do Incentives Really Work?
The basic answer is no unless a company has decided
to go ahead with an investment in the first place.
As I indica ted earlier, once a company has reviewed
all the criteria it takes into account with regard
to making an investment, the "gimmick type" incen-
tives really aren't going to make or brake the
decision. All they really do is change the return
on investment calculations that are pushed through
micro-computers.
However, once a company has decided to make an invest-
ment, then things like low cost funds, training pro-
grams, tax incentives, etc. are important because
they're required to put a state on the same footing
as their competitors.
That is why I've created as a theme for this presen-
tation the fact that we're looking to fundamentals
and not to short-term gimmicks. There is very little
correlation between the new locations of plants and
tax rates of individual states. The tax rates are
just not that important from an overall standpoint.
Therefore, I think the theme I've picked is a good
one because it says work on the big factors and don't
work with the small gimmicks as part of an overall
economic program. It also highlights the questions
that I've raised earlier and will revisit at the
end of my speech with regard to what are the real
resources of Alaska?
Is Anvthing I've Said Relevant to Alaska?
I tried to make some of my comments relevant to this
particular state although there is material here
that is of interest to all states in the United States.
Let me just click off, however, somethings that Alaska
might give consideration to as a result of the various
factors involv~d in investment that I've alluded
to earlier.
1. It is important that Alaska give consideration
to developing its indigenous industries and
not try to change itself dramatically. Go with
your strength and don't try to become another
Puerto Rico or Ireland!
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3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Give consideration to moving into the high. tech
area. In order to do this, Alaska will need
some big firms_that. are in activities that would
enable high tech companies to get a "free ride"
off them. If there are no big companies in
Alaska that could serve as a base for high tech,
then I would say abandon it. If there is, how-
ever, Alaska could become a "new pioneer" state
just as Singapore became a new pioneer country.
I would suggest that Alaska give consideration
to generating innovative R&D facilities. It
should consider upgrading the educational institu-
tions to tie in with the private sector.
Alaska should give consideration to helping
companies at the early stages by providing the
incubating feature I mentioned earlier.
Alaska should also select high tech companies
outside of the state and try to entice them
to coming into Alaska so Alaska can use them
as a base for growth in the high tech area.
Incentives
companies
Alaska.
should be
to perform
given
their
to private
activities
sector
within
Alaska should also try to give incentives to
have as much local sourcing of components within
the state as possible so that companies establish-
ing operations here would not have to bring
a lot of components from outside the state to
be worked on just to be exported.
I'm not familiar enough with the infra-struc-
ture of Alaska but the little information I
have indicates that it needs upgrading.
Infra-structure excellence is exactly what
attracted Japanese companies to Tennessee for
automobile manufacturing.
Alaska should provide a one-stop shop so that
there is a government expediter for companies
trying to come into Alaska. Being smaller than
some states gives Alaska a particular advantage
in that a company does not have to weave through
a lot of the difficulties that might be found
in larger states such as: California, New York,
and Illinois.
75
All of the above are act ion steps that Alaska might
think of in connect ion with any aspiration to enter
the high tech market. However, many of the principles
are also relevant with regard to many other growth
industries.
I mentioned earlier the importance of combination
of knowledge of product and accessibili tv to provid-
ing sales in connection with states that want to
export their products. This should also be applicable
to Alaska, and I offer it for your consideration.
Also with regard to exporting the use of Export Trade
Corporations and Foreign Sales Corporations, provide
one-stop shops which enable companies to get advan-
tages from the exporting of products from the United
States. With the enactment of the Export Trade Corpor-
ation Law, the feeling was it would provide a similar
facility to the trading companies of Japan. This
has not been the case in the short run because the
private sector has found out that they do not really
know how to operate Export Trade Corporations. This
might be an area where the combination of public
and private sector activity could make it easier
for Alaska companies that have products that can
be exported to do it without a lot of bureaucracies
standing in the way of economic success.
With regard to "structuring," the idea of creating
joint ventures between foreign and Alaskan parties
is something that could be expanded on a greater
basis. This would offer the combined advantage of
getting input of technology and also marrying the
advantages of Alaska with the advantages that come
from the foreign investor. This would leave --within
Alaska --a qualitative growth in the jobs that are
created from this activity.
Another action that Alaska should consider is the
connect ion with Japan, Korea, and China. My reading
of tlie . sta-tistics -(fealing with imports alld exports
from these countries indicate that Alaska is very
close to these countries already. Expansion of this
on a government to private sector combination makes
what I said earlier very relevant to Alaska.
One thing that I have noted, however, is that even
though there is a high percentage of Alaskan people
who have post high school education very few orientals
are in Alaska at the present time. This is a
76
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deficiency in the Alaska population to w111• 11
refer to in closing.
I will
h f t f ~1 k . . 1 l~<t t more Anot er ac or or .t-1 as a to cons1der 1s Al k
than 2/3 of the new jobs being created Ill fas a
b . t d b . . h 2C1 '•r ewer are e1ng crea e y compan1es w1t .
1 ·1>mpan1es employees. Consequent y, not all Fortune 50 1 ' '
. program need be sought for a successful economt•
if job creation is a major factor for Alaska
. , Alaskan I also understand that there 1s (or was) "1 , t k
Council of Science and Technology. I ·"'". t~ow
the status of the activity at this poin' tn lme
ff ·t "d h . b ,,.,s come. but o er 1 as an 1 ea w ose t 1me may e · h t ,. as o It does suggest to me, however, that thP 1 d t
· l'ilOSe 0 be more 11 g1 ve 11 on the part of Alaska as •' th .
having Alaskans hope that foreigners ch~'"';t) elr
1·ans are way of acting to conform more to what Al!1 :' ~ f
1 ·cess u used to. If international trade is to be ~~~·. y '
it means that both sides have to give a l•tht. ou
· 1 an you can't recreate Alaska 1n Japan any more
could recreate Japan in Alaska.
. 1 1 include Finally, some changes requ1red of Alaska wot 1 '
1
Th
the use of the Office of International '1'''11 ' :t th ~
use of 11 mul tipliers 11 by Alaska would sm\Ht'o t. al
h t . . 1 1 . th 1 . , 1, ,·na 1ona t ey 1e 1n more c ose y Wl arge 1n• . l"k
service organizations to help them. A I trm 1 ~
Peat Marwick, for example, has 300 offi•" ·~
1
arc:unl
I ld . 11 , og1ca the world. t wou seem to me to be qu.t . k p t
for Alaska to use the resources of firms ll t e he~
Marwick and other accounting firms in Alashll b 0 . e P
expand its economic penetration on a worldwi.l 1' asls ·
Some challenges for Alaska.
Let me conclude my comments with the st~tl 0 m.ent <?f
some of the challenges I se8 Alaska ltHVln~ b~n
connection with incentive programs. Thev pro a Y
can be best handled by raising some question~:
1.
2.
Does Alaska really want to change? If yo~ don't
. ~o1ng on want to change the th1ngs that are t
in Alaska at the present time, then I 1su~ge~
you not think in terms of getting i11''0 ve ln
the international environment.
What are your real resources?
Development Council materia.! that
my research for this speech talks
ThP Resource
I p•nd during
VP ,·y heavily
77
about timber and fish and oil and minerals
things rather than people. I will throw back
to you the quest ion, "Aren't your people your
most valuable resource and to what extent is
your resource development program geared to
upgrading the people of Alaska?"
3. Is your attitude in Alaska one of "Laissez-Faire"
or is there a real climate for entrepreneurship?
Some people I've talked to are quite pro-active.
Others, on the other hand, think that the reces-
sion we just came through was a temporary situa-
tion and that we really don't have to do anything
in Alaska. Everything will get back to the
"good old days" without a lot of effort. I
question that.
4. There is a challenge for Alaska from the stand-
point of taking existing industries in Alaska
and wedding them with the high tech industry.
Alaska, for example, has one of the most advanced
knowledges of energy pipeline technology than
anyone in the world -particularly those in the
cold weather situations. To what extent is
Alaska identifying itself on a worldwide basis
with being "The" state with knowledge in this
industry.
5. To what extent is Alaska capitalizing on its
proximity to the Pacific Rim? Yes, I know there
are offices in Japan and a newly created one
in Korea. Yes, I know there are visits by govern-
ment officials to the Far East. But is that
really enough? Is enough being done to really
differentiate Alaska from other states like
California, Tennessee, New York, Illinois, etc.
who are also making visits and having offices
in those countries? Will you be the first in
Beijing?
6. Alaska's quality of 1 ife seems to be very impor-
tant to it and it should be. But if the mentality
is that everyone just wants to leave everything
the way it is today and be able to go hunting
and fishing on Mondays and Fridays and only
working on Tuesdays, Wednesday, and Thursdays,
then I think there is not enough to differentiate
Alaska from the other states in which investment
might come and from which exports might be made.
78
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7. Do you want anymore people in Alaska? In some
instances, I've heard people say they do not
want anymore immigration into the state, but
I do think you need some Asians in Alaska if
you are really to have a proper blending of
Asia and indigenous people in order to make
a significant impact in the Pacific Rim from
an Alaska standpoint.
8. Alaska has not
to this point
to?
cashed in
in time.
on the high tech boom
Does it really want
9. Alaska has the following problems:
1. Lack of transportation and other infra-struc-
ture
2. High Labor costs, lack of skilled labor
3. High transportation costs
4. Remoteness
5. Limited local markets
6.
7.
Lack of significant utility development
Institutional and regulatory problems:
Uncertain land status
Environmental constraints
Uncertain tax policies
Lack of coordinated state development plan
Federal government influence
8. Weather
Is Alaska willing to face up to these problems
and do some things from an incentive program
to offset them in the minds of potential inves-
tors?
10. Does foreign investment into Alaska really present
political problems which could not be overcome
from a private sector economic standpoint?
Are Political Action Committees (PACs) creating
a sensitivity with regard to foreign investment
and make it a good subject to talk about but
not one you do much about?
79
11. Does the quest ion of foreign investment in the
United States present an anti-union image so
that the unions in Alaska would be more concerned
with protecting what they have today vs. expand-
ing what could happen in the future.
12. Has the amount of foreign investment created
a sufficient amount of technology acquisition
to make Alaskans feel that there is an upgrad-
ing of the quality of jobs and the people?
13. The Alaska Policy Statement #5 gives some clear
direct ions into which it might go but do they
go far enough? Visits to foreign countries
by some states are nothing but junkets. I think
a clearer direction is to use companies that
have been successful in Alaska to be your good
will ambassadors as opposed to only having govern-
ment officials go abroad.
14. There is potential for Alaska to position itself
as a world global economic center in the "triad"
-between North America, Japan, and Europe. Is
Alaska thinking far enough down the road in
connection with positioning itself to be this
type of entity?
Some Final Thoughts
From material I've read produced by the Alaska Pacific Ban-
corporation, I understand that the Alaska government is plateau-
ing from the standpoint of providing economic resources but
yet government policies are becoming very important. Therefore,
it suggests to me that there are certain cross-currents develop-
ing in Alaska and decisions have to be made with regard to
the points I have raised. I don't know if incentives alone
will enable Alaska to overcome these kinds of deficiencies.
I would suggest, however, that minor incentives of the type
I've described earlier will not be enough to answer these
problems. If the fundamentals are not dealt with, then the
gimmicks will not overcome them. You just can't put a band
aid on a broken leg.
I do think, on a more positive note, that in the service indus-
tries, import substitution by Alaska could create a situation
where it would become an international banking center and become
pre-eminent in the financial services area particularly as
it relates to the Pacific Rim.
•
81)
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With these tho~ght provoking ideas, let me close with a few
final observations to stimulate your thinking for the future.
1. First, go for the basics in incentive programs.
Only after they are analyzed and sorted out use minor
incentives to differentiate Alaska from other states.
2. Answer the question for yourself of what is a
foreigner. Who was a foreigner in 1786, who was
a foreign in 1886, and who is a foreign in 1986?
In the 1986 environment, maybe Asians are considered
3.
4.
5.
foreign but, at one point in time, we were all
"foreign" to the United States.
Is Anchorage going to be an overflown place like
Shannon, Ireland, was? At one point in time, airplanes
couldn't go any further than reaching Ireland so
it was the immediate stop off point of everyone going
from the United States to Europe. This is no longer
the case. It should not be the case for Anchorage
and the Pacific Rim if Alaska is properly structured
in an incentive program.
These programs might create discomfort in many ways
some of which I've alluded to. Perhaps even more
importantly we'll ·need a movement of people from
rural Alaska to urban Alaska. Are you ready for
that kind of challenge? If not, then perhaps you
should abandon any program of incentives in the first
place .
From the standpoint of risk taking, if you can't
take the risk that some of the programs I've sug-
gested will fail, then you might as well get ready
for a decline of Alaska where the modern world is
moving into a fuel efficient, information society.
Alaska just can't succeed by only figuring out a
way of producing a cheaper oil or cheaper timber
or cheaper fish because these may not be the most
important things in the decades ahead in the new
society that faces us.
6. Are you positioning yourself for an environment when
robots make robots? The United States reached the
5, 000 robot level in 1!185 and by 1990 the expectation
is that robots will more than double that figure.
As I've said in other speeches, it is funny when
robots sweep up behind humans but not so funny when
humans sweep up behind robots.
81
These are the challenges for the future. These are the things
that Alaska is facing. I don't know how you quantify them
from the standpoint of determining costs vs~ benefits of incen-
tives. However, I do suggest that it is not as simple as a
ROI calculation on a calculator. The benefits to the human
values in Alaska have to be determined on a qualitative and
not quantitative basis. It requires the Alaskans of today
to position themselves to the 21st Century. What life are
you preparing for 21st Century Alaskans?
Thank you.
82
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Exhibit A
FACTORS TAKEN INTO ACCOGNT
IN DOING BUSINESS WITH OR IN THE UNITED STATES
In order of most to least impor~an~
Size of market
Disposable income of market
Competitors strategies
Security of capital, repatriation of funds
Freedom from expropriation threat
Proximity to customers -cost, service, familiarity, market
protection advantages -lower customs, transportation
costs.
Existing U.S. market through sales-agent exporting to u.s.
A product with competitive advantage -better or cheaper
than product now successful in U.S.
o Protectionism -import quotas, customs
0 Broaden base of international operations can
ups and downs of markets
o Sourcing factors
0 Cost of labor
0 Investment incentives
o Technology transfer
0 Distribution systems
o Communications systems
smooth
83
Exhibit B
Case Study on U.S. Corporations Going to Ireland
Reasons for Establishment:
0
0
0
0
Position in own home market
Existence of market overseas
East)
o size
o potential
o ease of entry/restrictions
o competition
o product modifications
o profitability
Identification with marketplace
Delivery/transportation costs
(Europe and Africa, Middle-
etc.
Other:
0 Foreign government incentives
0 Lower labor/production costs
0 Access to technology
0 Personal reasons of owner/president of company
Having determined:
1. That an offshore manufacturing operation may be
necessary, and
2. That the company has the management capability to
undertake such an activity
then an in-depth analysis takes place.
In general, companies examine, or perhaps more correctly should
examine potential locations on three levels. First, they should
look at a number of "macro factors" which could be grouped
under the heading of risk (e.g., possibility of wars, internal
civil disturbances/revolution, nationalization of industries,
political instability; hyperinflation, major currency devalua-
84
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tions, etc.) and relate this to the level· of return expected
there is a cut-off point beyond which the realization of
higher profits will not compensate for the risks involved.
The second level of investigation occurs when all the macro
risks have been considered and a company arrives at a shortlist
of potentially acceptable locations. These locations will
undergo a series of qualitative and quantitative tests. The
quantitative aspect should --but in many cases does not
include an analysis of the financial viability of the project
on a stand-alone basis i.e., without the benefit of special
foreign government "incentive packages:" if a project cannot
successfully pass this point or is marginal at best than the
decision should be "no-go." On the other hand, if the results
of the tests are satisfactory then the third level is applied
i.e., a detailed consideration of financial aspects inclusive
of the "tax and financial incentives" should be compiled for
comparison purposes.
Although the most effective locational investigations are carried
out in a fairly standardized and logical sequence, there are
instances where, through a system of intelligent and creative
marketing, undue weighting can be given to particular facets
of the invest iga ti ve process. One example of this might be
the inward investment program as it is organized in the republic
of Ireland --a program which because of its success is now
the model for many other developing and developed countries
of the world .
At an early point in its industrial development planning, Ireland
realized that the most effective way of putting Ireland on
the world consciousness map of places in which to invest, was
to devise a set of incentives which would:
a. be simple in form, and
b. maximize the return on the equity invested.
So successfully was this done that some 300+ U.S. companies
have established manufacturing operations in Ireland. More-
over, the Irish "package" of incentives (both qualitative and
quantitative) achieved a juxtaposition to the top of the list
and in many cases delayed consideration of other factors until
after a positive investment decision had already been taken.
This was particularly true of the U.S. investor looking at
the European market --as an example, the usage of profits
earned in Ireland and the interdependency of the U.S. and Irish
tax systems did not appear to generate a great deal of considera-
tion until the implementation stage of the project. A second
factor which achieves a significantly high ranking in U.S.
investments is "language" i.e., the comfort factor of being
85
able to converse in English, and thirdly, in a Europe (the
targeted market for an Irish based operation) with an ever
increasing tendency to lean to the left --as exhibited by
both governments and labor alike --the stated commitment of
the Irish government to permit the private sector to "manage
their own business" without undue interference and enjoy, to
the maximum, the results of their investments outside of Ireland
if so wished, was refreshing.
·The factor of genealogy i.e., the large number of Irish Americans
in senior positions in U.S. industry was a non-starter --indeed,
in many cases it turned out to be a negative factor for Ireland
since chief executives did not wish to be perceived to be favor-
ing one location over another on the basis of heritage.
Neither does the geographic position of Ireland i.e. , off the
North Western tip of Europe have any major negative effect.
A comparison of a sequential type of analysis with the rearrange-
ment as effected by the Irish programs might look like this:
Sequential:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Availability of market
Geographic:
o Location
o Physical features
o Climate
Demographic:
o Density
o Age
o Growth rate
o Living standards
o Language
_Political_: _
0
0
0
Type of government
History of Stability
Attitude to investment and private sector
5. Labor:
0
0
0
Availability
Employment/unemployment levels
Education/training
86
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Productivity
History and trend of industrial.relations
6. Economic:
0
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Status of economy
Structure
Gross national product
Growth rate
Inflation
Foreign trade
Financial system
7. Finances of project:
o Labor, building, operating etc., costs
0 Institutional funding
0 Own investment
0 Profitability
8. Communications
9. Utilities
10. Transportation
11. Sources and supply of raw materials
12. Environmental controls/regulations
13. Support services --quality and availability in both
private and public sectors.
14. Business organization and structure~
0 Use of funds/profits --where, for what purpose,
what currencies.
15. Financial incentives; structure, timing, and size:
0
Ireland:
Tax incentives; corporate and individual; local
and home country, and their interdependence.
1. Availability of market
87
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3. Total financial picture
4. Political environment
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6. Labor
7. Raw materials [
8. Communications
9. Geography
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11. Transportation
12. Support services [
and later:
13. Environmental regulations [
14. Usage of profits earned [
15. Corporate structure
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---------------------------------·---~----------
WOOD PRODUCTS AS A WORLDWIDE COMMODITY
by
Dr. Thomas R. Waggener
Director, CINTRAFOR
Center for International Trade in Forest Products
University of Washington
Seattle, Washington
and
Richard P. Vlosky
Co-author
Post Graduate Research Assistant
Presented to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc •
Sixth International Conference
on Alaska's Resources
11 CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION: CAN AMERICA COMPETE?11
and
11 ALASKA 1 S COMPETITIVE POSITION: PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES 11
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
89
~-·-~-------~~-~-~ ---
WOOD PRODUCTS AS A WORLDWIDE COMMODITY
Global Forest Products Trade
Wood has been an important commodity in world trade for
centuries. Over 4500 years ago Lebanon exported wood to Egypt.
Christopher Columbus carried mahogany from his explorations of the
New World back to Europe. The continued significance of world
wood flows is evident by a total value of global forest products
trade in 1980 of $34 billion (Radcliffe & Sedjo, 1984).
As would be expected, wood products trade flows from wood
surplus to wood deficit regions. Relatively few nations export
forest products, as their domestic wood supply is used for meeting
domestic requirements. This is especially apparent in the case
where fuelwood, the end product of most wood harvested world wide,
is a negligible component in world trade. Even though extensive
forest resources exist in many nations, forest products exports
are possible only if economic demand justifies the extraction and
ship~ent ·of that wood. Wood product imports, likewise, occur when
a country is deficient in economically satisfying its demand from
domestic wood sources.
Presently, the two countries most heavily involved in forest
products export trade are the United States and Canada (Fig. 1).
Total u.s. forest products exports were valued at $5.6 billion in
1983 and, constituted about 12 percent of all forest products
exports (FAO, 1985). In that year, Canadian wood exports were
valued at $10.2 billion or 22% of total exports. On a regional
basis in 1983, the following major contributions to forest
products exports were recorded: Europe-$19.9 billion (42.0%);
Africa, $1.1 Billion (2.3%); Central/South America, $1.4 Billion
(3%); USSR -$2.6 billion (5.4%); Asia-$5.8 billion (12.2%); and
Oceania, $.7 Billion (1.4%) (Figure 2) (FAO, 1985).
On the import side, the U.S. is also the largest importer of
forest products. In 1983 its share was $9.0 billion or 16.9
percent of all world forest products imports. Japan was second at
$6 .l billion or 11.4 perGent. -On a reg4.onal basis, in 1983, t.he
following major import shares were recorded: Europe -$24.9
billion (46.9%); Asia-$12.5 billion (23.5%); Africa-$2.0
billion (3.8%), Central/South America -$2.1 billion (4.0%);
Oceania, $.74 Billion (1.4%); and the Soviet Union, $.96 Billion
(1.8%) (FAO 1985, Figure 3).
Major Forest Products Flows ~ Commodity -Current Picture
The major commodity groups considered in forest products
production and trade are broadly defined as fuelwood (including
charcoal) , industrial roundwood (wood in log form) , sawnwood
go
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(lumber), wood-based panel products (including plywood, flake and
chipboard products), wood pulp, printing and writing paper,
newsprint, and other papers and paperboard. Additionally,
roundwood, sawnwood and plywood panel products are frequently
divided into conifer (softwood) and non-conifer (hardwood)
categories.
The 1983 global pattern of export trade in these broad
categories is shown in Figure 4 and is briefly summarized below.
Industrial Roundwood (Conifer)
The United States is the world's largest exporter of softwood
logs. Its vast resources located in the Pacific Northwest, the
Southeast, the Great Lakes, and Alaska, produced over 256 million
cubic meters or 26 percent of the world's softwood log exports in
1983 (FAO, 1985). The primary destination of U.S. softwood logs
was Japan, accounting for almost 52 percent of U.S. exports in
that year. The second major softwood log producer and exporter is
the USSR. In 1983 the USSR accounted for almost 25 percent of the
world's conifer log exports (242 Mill M3) with most of this
material also destined for Japan (FAO, 1985). The species mix of
larch/red pine found in the USSR is generally of lower quality
than other softwood log producers and commands lower prices on
world markets.
Extensive plantations of radiata pine (Pinus radiata) in New
Zealand and Chile are rapidly maturing and this will assuredly
establish these country's positions as major softwood log
producers and potential exporters in the near future.
In
are the
Taiwan.
logs as
addition to Japan, other major importers of softwood logs
People's Republic of China (PRC), South Korea, Europe, and
Figure 5 shows the major global trade flows in softwood
of 1981.
Roundwood (Non-conifer)
Hardwood log flows for 1981 are shown in Figure 6.
Hardwood species produced and exported in log form in the
Pacific Rim come primarily from Southeast Asia. These are the so-
called South Sea logs. The role of individual countries in South-
Sea log export has shifted dramatically (and often) over the past
two decades. In the sixties, the Philippines were the primary
exporter of logs, but as resources became depleted through
overcutting, mismanagement, and lack of adequate reforestation
efforts, the government was forced to curtail exports. Today log
exports from the Philippines are negligible.
en
Indonesia, based on the largest non-conifer forest base in
the world, rapidly rose to the number one hardwood export position
and supplied nearly 50 percent of all Southeast Asian non-conifer
log exports in 1978 (FAO, 1985). Indonesia, not wanting to
experience the same log supply problems encountered by the
Philippines, and desiring to develop a domestic forest products
industry, instituted a total ban on log exports which became
effective January 1, 1985. By 1983, Indonesian hardwood log
exports had fallen to 3 million cubic meters, or only 9 percent of
the world total (FAO, 1985). ·
As noted, another motivating factor for Indonesian log ban
was the country's desire to capture the value added that is
generated by domestic processing of logs in country -in this
case, primarily hardwood plywood. As will be noted later,
Indonesia now ranks as the world's number one hardwood plywood
producer.
Malaysia is presently the world's largest exporter of
hardwood logs (18.8.million M3 in 1983 or 58%). But indications
point to a future reduction or ban on log exports as timber
inventories are reduced. Other exporting regions for non-conifer
logs are western and central Africa-producing valuable mahogany
and ebony, France, and the United States, producing and exporting
primarily oak. The main hardwood log importing countries
historically have been Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, which rely
on these imports to supply their own plywood and furniture
operations.
Hardwood logs also go from both southeast Asia and Africa to
the U.S. and Europe. The major flow here is from Africa to
Western Europe, accounting for 29 percent of hardwood log trade in
1981.
Sawnwood (Conifer)
In 1983, world trade in coniferous sawnwood reached $8.1
billion or 17 percent of all trade in forest products. Over 97
percent of exports (value basis) originated in developed countries
in 1983, Western Europe and North America accounted for 72 percent
of the world's imports (FAO, 1985). Historically, over 80 percent
of all trade is concentrated in only 5 or 6 global flows. Flows
between Northern and Eastern Europe to Western Europe and intra-
regional North American flows compose the major share of this
trade.
The United States is also the world's second largest consumer
of conifer sawnwood, the second largest producer, and the largest
importer. In 1983 the U.S. imported an equivalent of over one
third (12.3 billion board feet) of its domestic consumption
(Forest Service, u.s.D.A., 1985). The USSR is the second largest
92
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consumer of softwood ·lumber, and is also the second largest
exporter. By far, Canada is the world's largest exporter (48% in
1983) and, along with the USSR and the Scandinavian countries, is
the major exporter to the United States.
On the import side, the u.s. is the number one importer of
softwood lumber and in 1983 accounted for almost 42 percent of the
world's exports (FAO, 1985). The United Kingdom is a distant
second, (10.6%), followed by Japan (6%), West Germany (6%), and
others (FAO, 1985). Figure 7 highlights conifer sawnwood trade
flows for 1981.
Sawnwood (Non-conifer)
In 1983, world export trade in non-coniferous sawnwood was
$2.6 billion in value terms and accounted for 5.5 percent of world
trade in forest products (FAO, 1985). As would be expected, the
regions with the greatest non-coniferous resources are also the
major producers and exporters. The most important of these
regions is the ASEAN countries (Association of Southeast Asian
Nations) which includes Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and
Thailand, which accounted for 36 percent of hardwood sawnwood
exports in 1981 - a quadrupling of its share over the previous two
decades. Other secondary (but important) non-coniferous sawnwood
exporting regions in 1983 were North America (13.6%), Africa
(4.8%), and Latin America (8.2%) (FAO, 1985).
The major importing regions for hardwood sawnwood are Western
Europe and North America whose shares were 56.9 percent and 10
percent in 1983 respectively. Much intraregional trade also takes
place, especially within Western Europe. On a country specific
basis, the major importing countries are Italy, Singapore (mainly
for re-export), West Germany, France and Canada. On the export
side, the major flows originate from Malaysia, Indonesia,
Singapore, and the United States. Figure 8 shows the major global
trade flows for non-coniferous sawnwood.
Plywood
Worldwide production of plywood (wood bCl.sed pa_I)._el_s) i_s_ iiJ. a
state of stagnation and has remained virtually the same from 1972
to 1983. What is of interest is that while production in
developed countries has remained relatively constant, the level of
production in the developing countries doubled over this period.
There has also been a restructuring of trade flows in plywood,
resulting from the ban of log exports by Indonesia which is not
evident in Figure 9. Before that ban, Japan, South Korea, and
Taiwan imported much Indonesian timber as a supply for their
domestic plywood industries which, at that time, were quite
extensive. Following the Indonesian log ban, plywood production
(and consequently exports) declined in importance in these
93
countries. Indonesia on the other hand, initiated an immense
effort to produce plywood. While it exported almost no plywood in
1975, Indonesia now ranks as the world's number one exporter of
hardwood plywood, exporting over 3 million cubic meters in 1984
(Asian Timber Annual Review, March 1985).
Other major exporters (and producers) of hardwood plywood are
South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines, West Germany, and
the USSR.
The United States is the single largest importer of hardwood
plywood, accounting for 15 percent of the world's imports in 1981
(Radcliffe & Sedjo 1984). In that year 85 percent carne from the
countries listed above.
Softwood plywood is produced and consumed almost exclusively
in North America. At this point, it is a small component of
global forest products trade. The intercontinental trade that
does occur is mainly the flow from North America to the common
market nations of Western Europe, primarily Belgium/Luxemburg and
the Netherlands. •
As substitute products become available-such as medium
density fiberboard -aggregate demand for softwood plywood
continues to decline. This trend is highlighted by the fact that
the exports of softwood plywood from the U.S. declined 29 percent
from the first half of 1984 to the same period in 1985 (FAS,
August 1985).
Pulp
Global trade in pulp and paper products is the largest
component of forest products trade with over 54 percent or $25.7
billion in 1983 (FAO, 1985). Pulp exports were almost $6.7
billion in 1983. Until 1967, Northern Europe was the largest
exporter of pulp, but that region was surpassed by North America
after that date. The major importing region is Western Europe,
which has remained in this position for over two decades.
Presently, eight bilateral trade flows in pulp comprise 80 percent
of all global trade. The major flOW_S a.re intracontinental trade
in North America (primarily from Canada to the u.s.) I from North
America to Western Europe, and from Scandinavia to Western Europe.
On a country basis, the single largest importer of market
pulp is the U.S. which in 1983 accounted for over 18 percent of
total pulp imports (FAO, 1985). Of importance to West Coast
producers is that Japan is the third largest importer of market
pulp. Its market share has doubled over the past two decades to
about 10.6 percent of the 1983 market. Figure 10 shows the
significant global trade flows for market pulp as of 1981.
94
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Paper
There are over 3000 various grades and types of paper being
manufactured in the world today. To best summarize, the three
broad categories of paper products most often analyzed are
newsprint, other printing and writing papers, and other paper and
board products.
Newsprint
The world export flow of newsprint represents another
important component of forest products trade, accounting for 10.7
percent or 5.1 billion in 1983 (FAO, 1985). It is the fifth
largest forest products commodity group traded. Four major
newsprint trade flows comprise 80 percent of the world's newsprint
trade. These flows are, in order of importance as of 1981:
Canada to the United States, which accounted for 49 percent;
Northern Europe to Western Europe (21%); North America to Western
Europe (6%); and North America to Latin America (5%). Significant
global flows for newsprint are shown in Figure 11.
Other Printing and Writing Papers
This commodity category is fourth in importance in world
forest products trade, behind newsprint. In 1983, trade in "other
printing and writing paper" accounted for 11 percent of world
forest products trade or $5.2 billion (FAO, 1985). In 1982, 57
percent of trade in this commodity was a bilateral flow between
eastern and Western Europe, and the flow from Northern Europe to
Western Europe, up from 43% in 1962. North American intraregional
flows rank third with around 8 percent of the world's trade in
1982, being largely Canadian exports to the U.S. To a lesser
degree, these products also flow from the major exporting regions
to Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Figure 12 displays the major
trade flows for this category.
Other Paper and Paperboard
This general category of products includes construction paper
and paperboard, household and sanitary paper, wrapping and
packaging paper, and special paper grades.
Because this category encompasses so many paper types and
grades, it accounts (as would be expected) for a major share of
forest products commodity trade. It has ranked second only to
pulp in terms of international trade value, and in 1983 ranked
first, with exports of $7.9 billion worldwide. This was 16.7
percent of all forest products exports.
The major trade flows are essentially identical with printing
and writing paper in both direction and magnitude (Figure 13).
95
The two flows from Northern Europe to Western Europe and within
Western Europe have accounted consistently for over half the
world's trade. Western Europe accounted for 63.1% of exports and
55.3 percent of imports in 1983. Other regions of importance with
respect to imports are Asia (18.1%), Latin America (6.5%), and .
Eastern Europe (including the USSR) with about 8 percent each in
1983 (FAO, 1985). For North America, exports to Western Europe
have been decreasing over time but have increased to Asia,
particularly Japan. The overall export contribution for North
America in this category in 1983 was $1.7 billion, or 21.4 percent
of world trade in other paper and paperboard products. The
largest share, $1.3 billion, was from the u.s.
THE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN WORLD WOOD MARKETS
Recent overviews of the composition of U.S. trade in wood
products have been published in "NFPA Trends in Trade: The United
States World Wood Markets" (NFPA, 1985), "U.S. Tijtber. Production,
Trade, Consumption, and Price Statistics 1950-1984" (USFS, 1985),
and: "Wood Products, International Trade and Foreign Markets"
(FAS. Nov. 1985). These analyses are summarized very briefly
here. Many of the trends have been noted in the previous sections
with respect to the global overview.
U.S.Import/Export Overview
A broad mix of forest products is traded by the United States
in world markets. The United States exports both softwood and
hardwood logs, and such manufactured products as high quality
softwood and hardwood lumber, structural panels, including
softwood plywood, certain species of hardwood veneer, and a wide
variety of pulp and paper products. It imports softwood lumber,
hardwood plywood, hardwood lumber, particleboard, newsprint, wood
pulp, and a mix of other paper and board products.
Solid Wood Products Trade
Exports: Softwood-logs are the major solid wood product
exported by the United States, accounting for 40.1 percent of the
total value of wood products exported in 1984 (Fig. 14). Combined
U.S. exports of softwood and hardwood lumber were 30.2 percent of
the total value of solid wood products exports, while veneer,
plywood, and other panel products together accounted for 10
percent of the total. The remainder (19.7%) includes hardwood
logs, wood chips, building products, railroad ties and other
miscellaneous items.
U.S. exports of solid wood products have grown dramatically
in the past two decades, from $186 million in 1961 to a peak of
96
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$3.7 billion in 1980. Although solid wood exports· declined to the
2.8 -3.0 billion range in 1981-1984, they have stayed consistently
strong in spite of the surging dollar and a worldwide recession
(Figure 15). Even when adjusted for inflation, U.S. exports have
increased by a factor of four since 1961.
Imports: Softwood lumber, virtually all of which comes from
Canada, is the major solid wood product imported by the United
States. This product accounted for $2.7 billion, or 67.5% of the
total value of U.S. solid wood products imported in 1984 (USFS,
1985). Hardwood plywood, mainly from Pacific Rim developing
countries, is the second biggest wood import ($422 million),
accounting for 10.7 percent of the total that year. Hardwood
veneer, hardwood lumber, and other products make up the balance.
Solid wood imports for 1983 are summarized in Figure 16.
U.S. imports of solid wood products have also grown, although
at a less rapid rate than exports, having more than doubled on a
constant dollar basis between 1961 and 1984. As previously
stated, the most important U.S. wood product import is softwood
lumber, which has increased by a factor of three on a volume basis
from 1961 to 1984.
In the long term, one of the most rapidly growing imported
wood products has been hardwood plywood, which has increased from
1.1 million square feet (MMSF) in 1961 to 2.98 MMSF in 1984, after
peaking at 5.1 MMSF in 1978. Hardwood plywood is the most
important import category from the Pacific Rim. In 1983, Taiwan
was the largest supplier of hardwood plywood to the United States,
with 35.4 percent share of the import market. Indonesia was a
very close second, with 33.1 percent, and Japan followed with 9.8
percent. South Korea was the fifth leading source, with just over
7 percent. This was a marked change from 1978 when Indonesia held
only 1 percent of the market and South Korea held 49 percent.
During this period, Indonesia's production of hardwood
plywood almost quadrupled; it is expected to grow further as that
country completes construction of over 100 plywood plants planned
during the eighties. The major facing species imported is Lauan,
which now accounts for 74 percent of hardwood plywood imports, up
from 39 percent in 1978.
Destination of U.S. Solid Wood Exports
As it has been the case for several years, Japan was the
major export customer of the United States in 1984, accounting for
$1.0 billion, or 38 percent of all u.s. wood products exports.
Canada, China, South Korea and West Germany were also included in
the top five export markets. Figure 17 shows U.S. exports to its
top customers in 1984 (FAS, 1985). The same general pattern is
shown for softwood solid wood product exports (Fig. 18). For the
97
·----··--·----·····--·~~~~~
first nine months of 1985, total softwood exports are up slightly
(1%) over the same period of 1984. China continues strong growth,
with a 40 percent increase during this period.
Softwood Logs: Japan consistently has been the largest market
for u.s. softwood logs. It imported 1.75 billion board feet from
the United States in 1984, 52% of total u.s. softwood log exports.
Western species, particularly Douglas-Fir and western hemlock,
dominate trade with Japan.
Japan and South Korea have historically been the major Asian
markets for U.S. logs. However, the rapidly expanding Chinese
market has made that nation the second largest softwood log
market, accounting for 25.7 percent of the U.S. softwood log
exports in 1984. Together these three countries, along with
Canada, purchase virtually all U.S. softwood logs (97%). See
Figure 19. Overall, log exports are up by 15 percent (nine
months, 1984-85), with China increasing its log purchases (volume)
by one half.
Softwood Lumber: Japan is also the largest overseas market
for u.s. softwood lumber, taking 34% of 1984 exports (Fig. 20).
As with softwood logs, western species dominate softwood lumber
exports, accounting for 73 percent of the total. Of that, Douglas
Fir makes up 32 percent, hemlock, 22 percent, and other species,
19 percent. Southern pine accounts for about 12 percent of all
softwood lumber exports.
Softwood Plywood: The leading western Pacific Rim softwood
plywood importer from the U.S. is again Japan, but which accounted
for only 1.8 percent of total u.s. softwood plywood exports in
1984. The leading markets were in Western Europe, led by the
United Kingdom which imported 102.9 million square feet (27.8%),
Belgium/Luxemburg (13%), and Denmark and the Netherlands (11.2%).
Canada was the fifth leading market, accounting for 8.2 million
square feet (6.9%). See Figure 21.
Hardwood Products: Hardwood exports have increased rapidly
during the past few years. Though hardwood log exports have
remained fairly stable, hardwood lumber exports grew from 271
million board feet (MMBF) in 1978 to 466.5 MMBF in 1984 (USPS,
1985). Hardwood exports for 1984 are shown in Figure 22.
Canada and West Germany were the two leading hardwood markets
(24.1% and 20% respectively) (Figure 23). Taiwan and Japan are
the third and fourth largest importers of U.S. hardwood logs,
importing 9.9· percent and 9.4 percent of the total u.s. exports in
1984. Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea account for the only
significant Pacific Rim hardwood imports from the U.S.
98
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Pulp and Paper Products Trade: U.S. export trade in pulp and
paper products is also significant, accounting for $175.7 Million
in pulpwood exports (included in industrial roundwood), $1.35
billion in wood pulp, and $1.72 billion in paper and paperboard
products in 1983 (FAO, 1985). The U.S. was also a significant
importer, with a total of $1.49 billion in wood pulp and $3.7
billion in paper and paperboard imports in 1983 (FAO, 1985).
Total pulp and paper exports, excluding pulpwood, totaled
$4.1 billion in 1984 (Figure 24). Wood pulp was the most
important product exported, accounting for 31.8 percent of volume
and 33.1 percent of value. Waste paper, while accounting for 28.6
percent of volume, was only 9 percent of export value due to the
low unit values. Kraft linerboard exports were $631 million
(13.9%) and converted paper products exports were $762 million
(16.8%).
Market shares for exports are shown in Figure 25 for 1973 and
1983. Western Europe and Latin America remain major markets,
although market share has declined. Far East markets have
increased significantly, to 25.3 percent, with exports to Canada
also up slightly on a percentage volume basis (Meister, 1984).
Pulp and paper imports into the U.S. in 1984 were predominantly
newsprint ($3.3 billion) and wood pulp ($1.8 billion) in 1984.
Other paper and board imports were $1.5 billion (Figure 26).
ALASKA'S ROLE IN FOREST PRODUCTS INDUSTRY AND TRADE
The Forest Resources of Alaska
Alaska is a timber rich state of 375 million acres (571,000
square miles) of which 120 million acres (or nearly 1/3) is
forested. This accounts for 16 percent of all forest land in the
United States (Brady, 1985).
A disproportionate percentage of the states' commercial
forest land is contained in the interior (80%) but this land
contains only 29 percent of the total softwood sawntimber volume
(Clark, 1982). The remaining 71 percent of the sawntimber volume
is found in the coastal forests of Southeast Alaska from Ketchikan
to the Kodiak area. Alaska's forests contain 10 percent of the
nation's softwood growing stock and 1 percent of the U.S. hardwood
growing stock (Brady, 1985).
Most of the standing timber in Alaska is old growth, meaning
the timber has never been commercially cut. The highest volume of
timber, as stated, is found in the coastal southeast area of the
state. These forests are primarily Western hemlock (Tsuga
heterophylla) and Sitka spruce (Picea sitchensis). Secondary
gq
species are Western Red Cedar (Thuja plicata) and Alaska yellow
cedar (Chamaecyparis nootkatensis). As can be seen in Table 1,
which summarizes the U.S. Forest Service 1980 harvest data from
the Tongass National Forest, indicates the relative economic
importance of these species. The coastal forests average more
than 32,000 board feet of standing timber per acre compared with
only 1,370 board feet per acre of standing timber found in the
interior (Alaska Department of Commerce and Economic Development,
1985) • Most of the coastal forests are of trees greater than 30
inches in diameter.
The Interior region of Alaska, on the other hand, with a
vastly greater percentage of the commercial forest land, contains
only a fraction of the timber volume. Trees average 11 to 20
inches in qiameter and are generally lower grade and value species
such as white spruce (Picea glauca) and various hardwoods,
including paper birch (Betula papyrifera) , quaking aspen (Populus
tremuloides) , and balsam poplar (Populus balsamifera) .
Ownership Patterns
At the time of Alaska statehood in 1959, a dramatic shift in
land ownership began. Table 2 shows land ownership as of 1982 and
projected changes for 1990. As land transfers continue, the
ownership percentages and availability of timber will continue to
change also. Prior to 1959, the federal government owned
virtually all undeveloped land in the state. After 1959, the
State of Alaska, under the Statehood Act, was authorized to select
104 million acres of land (27% of the total state land area). To
date, the State has applied for approximately 110 million acres,
of which 23 million acres have been patented and an additional 57
million acres have been tentatively approved for transfer (Alaska
Department of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985).
In 1971, a second piece of legislation was passed which also
impacted the pattern of land ownership in Alaska. This was the
Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANSCA). Under this act, the
thirteen Native corporations were granted title to 44 million
acres (12% of the state's total area). Approximately 8 million of
these acres are timberland.
--
The third major legislative act affecting patterns of forest
ownership is the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act
(ANLICA) passed in 1980. The act added 104 million acres to
Alaska's national parks, preserves, monuments and other
conservation areas.
Wood Utilization - A Brief Historical Overview
Because of the forest resource structure and accessibility
conditions, the development of Alaska's forest industry has
100
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occurred primarily in the Southeast coastal region. Development
of the timber resources for commercial purposes began in the early
1900's. A lack of adequate infrastructure, including
transportation systems, coupled with the overall inaccessibility
of the resource, and location relative to markets, has largely
precluded viable large scale forest products operations. However,
as early as the 1880's, small and medium scale timber operations
were in existence. For example in 1889, 11 sawmill operations
were reported to be operational in Southeast Alaska. By 1910 the
annual cut in this region was 27 million board feet (Alaska
Department of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985).
Historically, the Interior region has not been a major factor
in Alaska's forest industry. As previously stated, only 29
percent of the sawntimber volume of Alaska is contained in this
region and the remoteness and high costs of extraction have
discouraged development. In the early part of this century there
existed many small mills producing mostly firewood or rough
lumber. This pattern has continued to the present.
During World War II, demand for Alaska's spruce timber
increased. Spruce is a very light and structurally strong wood
and was used extensively as components in airplanes. In 1943 -
1944 Alaska produced 38 MMBF of spruce for such purposes (Alaska
Department of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985). After
World War II, the U.S. forest Service attempted to encourage
development of the timber resource. In the late 1940's, the
emphasis was primarily directed toward the pulp industry. The
prime incentive was the availability of long term timber contracts
(50 years) that were intended to assure a continuous flow of raw
material.
In 1954, Alaska's first large pulp mill, located in
Ketchikan, became operational. This was followed, in 1959, by a
second mill, owned by the Japanese, located in Sitka. Both of
these mills continue to produce dissolving sulphite alpha pulp
which is used in the manufacture of rayon. A number of problems,
such as high labor costs. disputes with environmental agencies,
and declining market conditions, have placed the Alaska pulp
industry in a precarious economic position. Table 3 shows the
trend of Alaska's export of pulp over the past 5 years 1Gruen£eld~
March 1985). Total exports in 1984 (211 Thousand Tons) was only
67.8 percent of the 1980 level (312 Thousand Tons). Reported
value ($93.6 Million) was 61 percent of the 1980 value ($153
Million). The drop in unit value per ton contributed
significantly to this overall value decline.
Lumber and roundwood production continued to increase after
the war. A continuous supply of raw material of lower quality was
required to sustain the pulp mills, and higher quality material
was cut into sawntimber and cants for export -shipped almost
101
entirely to Japan. The volume of softwood logs exported grew
during the 1960's, reaching a peak of about 262 million board feet
in 1973. Shipments to Japan accounted for 211.7 million board
feet (80.1%), and 15.6 million board feet went to the People's
Republic of China (USFS, 1985). Between 1975 and 1982, the annual
timber harvest averaged about 530 million board feet (Alaska
Department of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985), indicating
that about 45 percent of volume is exported in log form.
As can be seen in Figure 27, softwood log exports from Alaska
are continuing to increase and compare favorably with exports from
British Columbia, a strong competitor. On the other hand, as
evident from Figure 28, Alaska softwood lumber exports are
steadily declining, and are not competitive with British Columbia
at present. Exports in 1983 were about 136.7 million board feet,
down from over 400 million board feet in 1973. As with logs,
Japan is the leading lumber market (87.6%) with exports to China
quite variable to date.
The export of wood chips has also been quite variable,
increasing to over 151 thousand short tons in 1980, then declining
to an average of about 75 thousand short tons in 1981-1982. Chip
exports in 1983 were only 6.6 thousand short tons, highlighting
the severely depressed market (USFS, 1985).
Economic Contribution of Forest Products Industry
Total Alaska exports of forest products over the years 1979
to 1984 are valued at $1.55 billion (Brady, 1985). The trend is
one of decline, shown by export values of $339 million in 1980,
$272 million in 1983, and $217 million in 1984 (Alaska Department
of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985).
Native Corporations, which received prime timber land
through the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, currently play a
major role in the contribution to Alaska's economy through the
export of roundwood (logs). As noted, these log exports increased
from 25 million board feet (about 7 shiploads) to a peak of 160
million board feet (46 shiploads) in 1980. This has greatly
helped to offset the general decline in the export market for sawn
cants since 1980. In terms of species composition, logs and cant
exports consist of 51 percent western hemlock, 42 percent Sitka
spruce, and 7 percent other species such as cedar. In terms of
value, spruce logs are the highest value product per board foot,
with hemlock cants the lowest.
The current economic situation in the.forest products
industry in Alaska (Southeast) is unstable at best. Global
markets have been weak, causing a 50 percent drop in the annual
Alaska harvest according to Michael Barton, Regional Forester for
the U.S. Forest Service, Region 10, Juneau. Barton,
102
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speaking at a Resource Development Council forum in September
1985, stated that the timber industry's net worth, even with
strong markets, has declined by $180 million over the past 50
years (Resource Development Council for Alaska, Oct. 1985). In
1985, the situation has worsened, with employment in the forest
products industry dropping 18 percent through the third quarter.
Many reasons are cited for this decline. In the case of pulp
production, the two pulp mills are running at less than 60%
capacity. World capacity for sulphite pulp production has
increased as worldwide demand has declined. A relationship also
exists between crude oil and pulp that has a bearing on Alaska's
pulp industry. Many petrochemical products compete with synthetic
products such as rayon made from wood pulp. If oil prices
continue to drop, specialty pulp prices will likely experience
downward pressures. This will further exacerbate the current
situation.
Table 4 reflects the fact that the Alaska forest products
industry is experiencing economic difficulties. Output is
substantially below capacity in both the pulp and sawmill sectors.
Two sawmills are currently in bankruptcy proceedings. Most of
output from Southeast Alaskan sawmills is either in the form of
cants for export or is green lumber for use within the State. As
noted, the greatest market for round logs and sawntimber is Japan,
in particular the housing market in that country. Through June
1985, housing starts in Japan were up 4.5 percent over the
previous year, but wood-frame housing gained only 1 percent
compared to non wood-frame housing which registered a 10 percent
growth rate. The trend to multiple story structures can be
expected to continue as population pressures, coupled with
increasingly limited and costly land for new construction, will
persist in Japan. Wood houses now comprise less than half the
total starts. Western-sytle (2x4) construction, while growing, is
still only about 4.5 percent of wood units, or 2 percent of total
units.
Other factors which also intensify the current forest
industry economic difficulties in Alaska are periodic labor
problems (including wage disputes), shipping rates, raw material
costs, and the strong U.S. dollar vis a vis other international
currencies -including the impact of the Canadian dollar on U.S.
domestic markets.
Outlook/Opportunities/Strategies
Alaska's vast physical forest resources hold great potential
in the economic development of both the forest products industry
and the state economy. The current constraints to development as
well as areas of opportunity must be rationally analyzed.
103
Realistic strategies that can work within the foreseeable State
economic framework must be developed and put into action.
Paula P. Easley, Executive Director of the Resource
Development Council for Alaska, Inc., recently outlined several
factors worth noting: " ••• we should consider some of the
constraints (not prioritized) in doing business in Alaska.
1. Lack of transportation and other infrastructure
2. High labor costs, lack of skilled labor
3. High transportation costs
4. Remoteness
5. Limited local markets
6. Lack of significant utility development
7. Institutional and regulatory problems
-uncertain land status .
-environmental constraints
-uncertain tax policies
-lack of coordinated state development plan
-federal government influence
8. Weather" (Easley, 1985)
These factors apply to all industrial sectors but are
especially pertinent to the forest products industry.
These constraints cannot be easily mitigated. A careful
analysis of the underlying causes is needed, as are statewide
strategies to reduce their impacts. To a great extent, these
contributing problems are beyond the control of individual firms
and businesses. State, private, and federal cooperation will be
necessary.
For the forest products industry, various specific
recommendations and strategies have been proposed. One of these
is the attempt to attract new investment in the processing of
forest products. There are no restrictions on foreign investment
in land, standing timber and/or processing and transportation
facilities in the state. The state has been actively seeking to
attract new investment, particularly from Asia, a region that has
played an important role in Alaska's forest products industry over
the past three decades. Opportunities potentially exist for
foreign investment in all areas of products processing, including
logs, pulp, plywood, sawnwood, and finished products.
One area of particular interest is the potential to develop
forest industries in the interior region of the state.
Specifically, the greatest resource opportunity for industry
expansion lies in the Tanana Valley. The new 2,500 square mile
Tanana State Forest (1.6 million acres) alone could provide at
least 16 million board feet of spruce and 115,000· cords of
fuelwood annually (Gruenfeld, September 1983). Needless to say,
104
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the occurrence of the physical resource and its economic
utilization are quite different issues.
One primary limiting factor in the development of the
Interior Forest is the lack of an adequate transportation
infrastructure. Only 30 percent of the annual allowable cut in
the Tanana Valley is presently accessible (Packee, 1984).
Consequently, various transportation options (rail, road or sled)
would need to be explored before the resource can be economically
developed. ·
With regard to markets, a soon to be published trade research
study completed by the U.S. Forest Service indicates that the
outlook is favorable for Alaska's lower quality end logs in export
markets. Prices for this material, including logs which compete
with coast grade No. 3 hemlock from Washington State, the new
Canadian grade-4, radiata pine from Chile or New Zealand, and logs
from the Soviet Union, are expected to rise by 14 percent by 1990.
Volumes of this material utilized by the Pacific Rim countries. is
expected to rise by 25 percent by 1990 and an additional 10
percent by 1995 (Flora & Vlosky, 1986).
105
-~--~~-------------····-----~--~-------~---------·-------------
References
Alaska Department of Commerce and Economic Development, 1985.
"Alaska's Commercial Forest Resources." State of Alaska,
March, 1985.
Alaska Timber Task Force, 1984, "Report of the Alaska Timber
Task Force to Governor Bill Sheffield, State of Alaska and
Regional Forester Michael Barton, Alaska Region Forest
Service," Juneau, December 13.
Asian Timber Annual Review, Statistics Review, Indones~a. p. 14
March 1985.
Brady, Terry T., 1985, "Alaska and Forest Products-An
Opportunity for Development and Management," Unpublished
working paper, Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.,
December 9, 1985.
Clark, Wendel P., 1982, "Alaska Wood Production and Allocation."
Alaska Forest Market Report. December, 1982.
Development and Planning and Research Associates, Inc. 1983,
"Markets for Alaska Timber Products in Pacific Rim Countries"
Report to Forest Service, Region 10, U.S. Department of
Agriculture, p. 509, May
Easley, Paula, 1985, "State Strategies for Economic Development -
Implications for Alaska (Part III)", Resource Review,
Resource Development Council for Alaska, September.
FAO, 1985, "1983 Yearbook Forest Products," Food and Agricultural
Organizations of the United Nations, Rome, 1985.
FAS, 1985, "Wood Products: International Trade and Foreign
Markets, 3rd Quarter, 1985." Foreign Agriculture Circular
WP 4-85, Foreign Agricultural Service, U.S.D.A., November.
FAS, 1985 "Wood Products: International Trade and Foreign
Markets, January-June 1985". Foreign Agriculture Circular
WP 3-85, Foreign Agricultural Service, USDA, August.
Flora, Donald & Vlosky, Richard, 1986, "Potential Pacific Rim
Demand for Construction Grade Softwood Logs," U.S.F.S.,
Research Paper, PNW Station (Forthcoming).
106
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--'
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-,
_.
l
.::J
----,
-'
-"
_.
'--"
~
...,-~
~
-----------~----~-------~------------------------
Francescon, Kornai and Nagy, 1983,
International Trade in Forest
Institute for Applied Systems
WP 83-80. August.
"An Historical Analysis of
Products," International
Analysis. Working Paper
Gruenfeld, Jay, 1985, "Alaska Timber Volumes, Ownership and Rates
of Harvest." Alaska Forest Market Report, March, 1983.
Gruenfeld, Jay, 1983, "Alaska F6rest Industry Opportunities,"
Alaska Forest Market Report, September.
Meister, Irene, 1984, "Multi-lateral Trade in Pulp and Paper."
Paper presented to Conference on Canada/U.S. Forest Products
Trade. Duke University. April, 1984.
NFPA, 1985, "Trends in Trade: The United States in World Wood
Markets." National Forest Products Association, Washington,
D.C., 1985.
Packee, Edmond C., 1984, "Forest Industry Opportunities in
Interior Alaska." Alaska Forest Market Report, June, 1984.
Radcliffe, Samuel & Sedjo, Roger, 1984, "World Trade in Forest
Products: A North American Perspective." Paper presented to
Conference on Canada/U.S. Forest Products, Duke University,
April 1984 •
Resource Development Council for Alaska, October 1985, "Timber
Harvest Down," Resource Review, Resource Development Council
for Alaska, Inc., p. 5, October, 1985.
Rideout, Douglas, 1982, "An Economic Perspective of the Timber
Economy of S.E. Alaska", Preliminary Draft Report, Forest &
Wood Sciences, Colorado State University. September.
USFS, 1985a. "U.S. Timber Production, Trade Consumption, and
Price Statistics, 1950-84. Misc. Publication. Forest
Service, u.s. Department of Agriculture, 1985.
USFS 1985b. "Production, Prices, Employment, and Trade in North-
west Forest Industries," Third Quarter, 1984. Resource
Bulletin PNW-123, Forest Service, U.S. Department of
Agriculture. March, 1985.
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Coniferous Logs: bilateral trade flows~ 1% of world trade in 1981.
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1962) .
1901 shares g1ven
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Source: Francescon, Kornai, Nagy
IIASA
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Pulp: bilateral trade flows ~ 1% of world trade in 1981.
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Wood Products:
1985)
International Trade and Foreign Markets
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and Price Statistics,
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1950-84"
r r 1 r ·1 r ... , · ·1 r
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Wood Products:
1985)
International Trade and Foreign Markets
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Wood Products:
1985)
International Trade
i". '1 "1 r" ") l r I i''" "1 r· · 1 r· 1 f' "l ., 1 i
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and Foreign Markets
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Source: Compiled from USDA, FAS
3rd Quarter, 1985 (Nov.
Wood Products:
1985)
International Trade and Foreign Markets
l.._j
0
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Figure 24
f:1t",ID ~:::::::TI ~·:=\:
~~· ¥~~~ :"<1:::1 oF
p D~JC""'"' j~::·, ·=r ,,
T0Tf1L
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4~;~,~~:3 ffi l ~~:~
USDA Forest Service,
and Price Statistics,
r l r r, 1
01'··1)
1985, "U.S.
1950-84"
r,.,. · ·l rr
., :'
::::u
··~ ~:=~
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l'"i E I.JJ S P ~:~~ ~"·~ ·r
Timber Production, Trade, Consumption,
r· 1 r ,, i :I I r· n "i l' 1 1
.......
(V) .......
l
L__.: L.__1 L_j L_j L..J L...J r 1
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Figure 25
U.S. EXPORTS OF. PAPER, PAPERBOARD AND CONVERTED PRODUCTS
By Major Area of Destination
Western
Europe
36.0%
~
Canada
15.4%
1973
Far East &
Oceania
9.2%
3, 070,463 Short Tons
Africa,
Middle East
9. 3o/o
Western Europe
. 22.0%
Canada
14. 4o/o
~
latin
America
26. 3o/o
'
~
latl n Arne rica
22.6%
1983
Japan
12.3%
" Africa,
Middle East
11.0%
4, 568, 746 Short Tons
* Includes USSR I Eastern Europe and People's Republic of China
·Reproduced from: Meister, Dr. Irene W., Multi-lateral Trade in Pulp and Paper. Conference on Canada/
U.S. Forest Products Trade. Duke University. April, 1984
('..:
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Figure 27
350 SOFTWOOD LOG EXPORTS FROM ALASKA AND BRITISH COLUMBIA
M
M
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B 210
F
140
70
0
6~
SOURCE:USFS
63 66 69
YEAR
(MILLION BOARD FEET)
___ BRITISH COLUMBIA ( BC I SCALE)
.................. ALASKA ( SCRIBNER )
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Figure 28 l.{')
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SOFTWOOD LUMBER EXPORTS FROM ALASKA AND BRITISH COLUMBIA
6800
5440
M 4080
M
B
F
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1360
0
63
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SOURCE:USFS <MILLION BOARD FEET)
___ BRITISH COLUMBIA
-----------------· ALASKA
-----------------·---------------·---·-------------·---------------------------·------
66 69 72 75 78 81
YEAR
84
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Table 1: 1980 Harvest -Tongass National Forest MBF
(Thousand B.F.
Species Scribner Scale) 0/o
Sitka Spruce (Picea sitchensis) 106,801 22
Western HemlocK 298,009 62
(Tsuga ~eterophylla}
Western Red Cedar 15,332 3
(Thuja plicata)
Alaska Yellow Cedar 9,174 2
(Chamaecyparis nootkatensis)
Other 392
Total Sawlog 429,708 89
Sitka Spruce Utility (Pulp) logs 7,626 2
Western Hemlock Utility 44,166 9
(pulp) logs
Total Harvest 481,499 100
Source: Alaska Fo.rest Market Report
March, 1983
Reproduced from: Alaska's Commercial Forest Resource. Dept. of
Commerce and Economic Development. State of Alaska
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Table 2
LAND STATUS IN ALASKA
OWNER 1982 1990
(Million acres)
Federal
Conservation Units 151.8 152.4
BLM 147.6 70.0
Ot'her 2.6 2.6
Total Federal 302.0 225.0
State (includes local govn.) 52.0 104.0
Native 20.0 44.0
Other Private 1.0 2.0
Total Alaska 375.0 375.0
Source: Alaskan Resources Development, edited by Thomas More-
house, Westview Press, 1984
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Table 3
EXPORTS OF ALASKAN WOOD PULP TO ALL DESTINATIONS
PERIOD: 1980 THROUGH 1985
TYPE OF PULP
------------
BLEACHED SULPHATE BLEACHED SPECIAL ALPHA
YEAR UNIT SULPHITE SOFTWOOD AND DISSOLVING
-----------------------------------------------1980 TONS 67,433 249 244,310
$1,000 29,522 126 126,600
$/TON 438 507 506
1981 TONS 37,916 1,929 246,381
$1,000 14,637 951 124,905
$/TON 386 493 507
1982 TONS 9,690 1,104 199,130
$1,000 3,008 400 95,062
$/TON 310 363 477
1983 TONS 3,880 0 238,084
$1,000 1,054 0 116.729
$/TON 272 0 490
1984 TONS 21,116 12,834 177,490
$1,000 8,118 6,031 79,499
$/TON 384 470 448
Value data is "Free Alongside Ship"
Sources: U.S. Dept. of Commerce Annual and Monthly Export Statistics
Reproduced from:Alaska Forest Market Report, March, 1985.
TOTAL
PULP
------
312,002
153,248
491
286,226
140,493
491
209,924
98,470
469
241,963
117,783
487
211,440
93,648
443
138
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Table 4
·Company
Timber Processing Capacity and
Output in Alaska, 1984
Location · ------capaCl ty 1984
Output
Pulpmills: (M tons)
Alaska Pulp Co. Sitka 192 152
Louisiana Pacific Ketchikan 200 85
Sawmills: (MMBF)
Alaska Timber Co. Klawock 45 6
Wrangell Forest Prod. Wrangell 68 35
Louisiana Pacific Annette Island 60 75
Louisiana ·Pacific Ketchikan 60 0
Mitkof Lumber Co. Petersburg 15 4
Pacific Forest Prod. Haines 30 6
Yakutat-Kwan/Koncor Yakutat · 15 1
Source: Joe Mehrkens, u.s. Forest Service
Reproduced from: Alaska's Co~ercial Forest Resources. Dept. of
Commerce and Economic Development. State of Alaska
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THE PROFITABILITY OF ALASKAN AGRICULTURE
by
William C. Motes
Economic Perspectives, Inc •
6723 Whittier Ave .• Suite 101
McLean, VA 22101
Presented
to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth International Conference
on
Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICAN COMPETE?
and
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage. Alaska
141
Thank you very much for the invitation to come to Alaska--even
in February--and talk about agriculture. The Resource
Development Council deserves commendation for its examination of
Alaska's economic prospects because the issues are both
difficult and important, and because government plays such a
large role in resource development.
I want to go on
to the question
given the stake
should be done?
it all depends!
record at the outset with the definitive answer
implied in my assigned topic. The question is,
the State of Alaska has in its agriculture, what
The answer I bring with absolute confidence is:
Few farmers anywhere made money in 1984--in the United States
more than 50 percent had negative cash flows, according to USDA.
Data for 1985 aren't in yet, but the situation probably was
worse and could deteriorate further in 1986. The sector is
under pressure from low prices, high debt costs, and falling
asset values.
Do Alaskan farmers have a more favorable outlook than others?
Probably not. The Alaskan meat, milk. and egg markets are
protected to some degree. but Alaskan profits depend on how
efficient they are as well as on economic conditions and
policies in the United States and elsewhere. Perhaps I can be
of greatest service during my alloted 17 minutes by
concentrating on those factors that set the stage for
agricultural profitability, and then giving you my view of what
these trends may mean.
Agriculture in the 1980s
In agriculture, like many other industries. the current
situation misleads us. The past is all we know for sure and
current trends are what we know best. Our record of predicting
change is miserable.
Still. it is likely that the current economic shakeout is
running its course. Grain prices probably will bottom in 1986
or 1987 and could then strengthen through the rest of the
decade. I don't expect sharp upswings but do look for moderate
improvement. Five basic trends are at work:
o World population growth in the coming decade will be the
largest in any 10 years in history, 900 million more people
by 1995--17 percent more than were added in the 1970s.
o Almost all of that growth will be in the 37 poorest countries
where more than 85 percent of the world's people now live.
142
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They will increase food c~nsumption sharply if they can
afford to do so. Economic prospects in developing countries
are brightening. In-1986. they could grow perhaps 50 percent
faster than in 1985 in spite of large debts.
Income growth in the developed world does little to increase
per person food use. because those people--we--are well fed
already.
By contrast. income growth in the world's poor countries has
dramatic impacts. For example. the 91 kg of meat consumed
per person in developed countries is 6.5 times the 14 kg in
developing countries. Only lack of income prevents that gap
from narrowing.
o The dollar declined about 20 percent in 1985 and is still
moving downward.
Much of the slack in world food consumption growth since 1980
has come from the strong dollar and the world economic
downturn. especially in the upper income tier of developing
countries. As the dollar declines and economic growth
resumes. U.S. exports likely will grow once again.
o Agricultural production has outpaced population since World
War II. surprising most experts. Almost all the growth has
come from technology rather than area in spite of the
publicity given the Russian new lands or the Amazon projects.
Technology growth--yields--could slow in the future if weak
prices cut economic incentives to buy fertilizer. pesticides.
and larger machines.
During the 1970s. when a world food crisis was feared.
population grew 1.8 percent annually while food production
growth averaged 2.1 percent. Technology investments change
slowly. but if low prices hold production growth much below
2.0 percent annually. the world supply-use balance could
tighten considerably and price pressures ease.
o Much of the world's agricultural growth during the past 10
years reflects nEfw agricultural policies.-Many have been
terrible from an economic point of view. Some are being
changed and others could be. although the shift is slow.
The prime example is the EEC. a previous importer now surplus
in meat. milk. wheat. and many other products. Similarly.
the United States indexed price and income supports and
continued strong incentives to produce surpluses even after
they became burdensome.
143
The farm bill passed two months ago will increase sales by
cutting market prices. and will freeze and then reduce
production incentives. The United States will spend annually
$20 billion or more on its programs. and so will the EEC,
rates that can be sustained for a while, but probably not
forever.
Agricultural policies have become prohibitively expensive for
many nations. They are being moderated slowly. changes that
could diminish investment in technology and ease market
pressures.
One major reason for believing that commodity prices will
improve is experience with market trends and past responses to
change. In the early 1970s, the United States had huge stocks
of unwanted grain that could be exported only with large
subsidies. Shifts in exchange rates and rapid economic growth
in developing nations led to export market increases and
expectations of permanent market growth. Investment poured into
agriculture; land prices and production costs spiraled.
The pendulum swung back in th~ early 1980s. Trade declined with
world economic growth, and as an overvalued dollar and high U.S.
price supports permitted competitors to undercut our prices.
While it is not possible to predict these swings, it is
important to recognize that the same factors that increased farm
income in the 1970s diminished it in the 1980s. and now. in
1986, are offering the prospect of market growth once again.
The recent surpluses and low prices came just as Alaskan
agriculture was being expanded. If competition from imported
feed grains. meat, milk, and. eggs produced in other parts of the
United States declines, does that mean profitable Alaskan
production? A great deal depends on how efficient Alaskans can
become.
The Efficiency of Alaskan Agriculture
When the average U.S. farmer is losing money. Alaskan farmers
can expect to be under economic pressure too. U.S. barley that
was $104 per ton in 1983/84 will be about $88 per ton for the
1985 crop. and could be as low as $65 per ton this year.
Alaskan prices would be depressed commensurately. In these
circumstances. the profitability of agriculture is only an
academic question. Virtually no one can cover costs.
Looking beyond 1986, are there prospects for profit?
there are.
I think
144
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The question has two parts. The first concerns yields and the
second production and marketing costs. The first is easiest.
Well managed, large-scale Alaskan farms have barley or rape
yields as high or higher than those in other states or Canada.
Dr. James Drew, Dean of the University's School of Agriculture
and Land Resources Management, last spring observed growing
production efficiency in five areas:
o Barley, produced on large-scale farms at Delta with average
yields of 1.5 tons per acre in 1983, well above the U.S.
average •
o High yields of vegetables, including potatoes and lettuce.
o Efficient hog production based on locally produced grain in
environmentally controlled units.
o Efficient dairy production, also in environmentally
controlled units.
o Growth in efficiency in range management and production of
beef, sheep, ~nd reindeer.
Alaskan crop yields are more variable than the U.S. average, in
part because the length of growing season and rainfall are more
variable. Nevertheless, experience and research have improved,
and are continuing to improve both varieties and management.
Costs are more troublesome. In recent years, imports have been
cheaper than many Alaskan products, the result of U.S.
surpluses. The best way to answer the question of whether that
is the long-term norm is to compare production costs rather than
market prices.
Cash costs of barley production in Alaska are similar to those
in the Northern Plains, but Alaskan development costs are
relatively high--$86 per acre compared to capital costs of
$23.87 per acre in the Northern Plains. Total cost is about
$142 per ton for Alaska compared with $98 per ton for the
Northern Plains.
Over the long run, producers in the Northern Plains likely can
put barley into Alaska for $175 to $185 per ton. Alaskan
farmers with yields of 1.2 tons per acre or better would be
expected to compete well. Those with lower yields or higher
than average costs would not.
145
I want to close witb· two observations. First. Alaskan
agriculture is fragile because it is young and small. and
because it is so dependent on the state. Alaskan land titles
are different from those in other states because Alaskans want
them that way. Development is limited not only because the
amount of arable land is small, but because governments at one
level or another own so much of the land.
My home state of Kansas is very much interested in its farms.
but farmers. not the state, decide when an~ what to buy and
sell. The industry was built more than 100 years ago and there
is no mechanism to reconsider that decision.
Alaskans decided to expand their farm industry in the late 1970s
and early 1980s after years of study. I have read a 5-foot
shelf of analyses and plans and projections that went before
those decisions. In general. they were on the mark--except for
the U.S. trade bust of the early 1980s.
The result is a plan well begun. but at a critical stage.
Important investments were made; grain and livestock production
has increased. Scale of farm operations is about that
anticipated, although total production is lower. In the rough
and tumble world of agricultural competition. the Alaskan
industry is still an infant, and many of its costs are high as a
result.
The potential for cost reductions as the industry grows are
still there. In 1984, the harvest of grain. hay, and silage in
the Tanana valley totaled 23,300 acres. Thus. nearly the whole
agricultural infrastructure for that valley was supported by
little more than 36 square miles. A larger industry in the
future will almost certainly have lower costs.
The final observation is that the earlier investment plans
appear to have served well. They were obscured by changes in
world markets that were not expected, although always within the
range of reasonable possibilities. What happened was not so
much a structural change in the outlook as a series of
unfavorable events.
Alaskan farmers' primary markets will be in Alaska, as expected.
And, as expected, their primary competitors are other U.S.
farmers. Alaskan production and marketing costs can be
competitive, especially after the new lands have been in
production long enough to improve their yields.
The earlier plans were justified by jobs and community growth,
developments that are happening although behind schedule. The
146
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question is not whether Alaskan farms can compete with
distressed commodities in today's markets, but whether over the
long run Alaskan farmers can cut costs enough to comp9te, first
in Alaskan markets and then perhaps in the Pacific markets.
With the help of their location advantage, efficient Alaskan
farmers can expect to do so.
Based on this review, the vision in those early plans is still
valid. Alaskan farmers have growing markets. They have a good
chance to produce at a profit even though current economic
pressures are severe. Perhaps these improving odds are all
farmers ask for, and all they need .
147
APPENDIX TABLES
Table 1. Annual Average.Growth Rates of
Food Production by Country Grouping
Country Grouping 1961-70 1971-80 1981-84
World
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
2.87
2.35
2.84
3.04
percent
2.10
1. 48
3.02
1. 77
1. 9p
1. 36
2.69
3.42
Table 2. Global Population (millions) and Regional Share
Region
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World Total
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World Total
Number
518
1,464
1,061
3. 043
Number
627
2,318
1, 47 8
4,423
Source: The World Bank.
1960 . . . Percent . . .
17.0
48.1
3 4. 9
100.0
1980 . . . Percent . . .
14.2
52.4
33.4
100.0
. 1970 . . . . . . Number . Percent . . . . . .
579 15.8
1, 83 2 49.9
1,263 3 4. 3
3. 67 4 100.0
. 2000 . . . . . . Number . Percent . . . . . .
-
691 11.2
3,617 58.8
1, 83 9 30.0
6.147 100.0
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Table 3. Average Per Capita Consumption (kg)
of Selected Food Categories by Country Grouping
Country Grouping 1969-71 1980-82 % Change
Cereals
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World
Oil seeds
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World
Milk
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World
Meat
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World
Total
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
World
1980-82 as a % of
World Average
Developed
Developing
Centrally Planned
Source: FAO.
596.9
226.5
367.3
333.0
76.1
15.2
25.8
28.4
319.4
47.5
97.1
107.2
82.3
12.0
27.3
28.3
1.074.7
301.2
517.5
496.9
602.2
245.0
43 4. 4
357.3
113.9
18.2
33.5
36.6
312.2
52.7
9 8. 3
105.3
91.3
14.4
3 4. 2
31.6
1.119.6
330.3
600.4
530.8
211
62
113
-
0.9
8.2
18.3
7.3
49.7
19.7
29.8
28.9
-2.3
10.9
1.2
-1.8
10.9
20.0
25.3
11.7
4.2
9.7
16.2
6.8
149
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ASIAN GAS MARKETS IN COMING YEARS
Michael C. Lynch
International Energy Studies Program
M.I.T. Energy Laboratory
Presented to the Sixth Annual International
Conference on Alaska's Resources
Anchorage, Alaska
February 12-13, 1986
This paper reflects research performed for the International
Natural Gas Trade Project under the auspices of the Center for
Energy Policy Research, M.I T. Energy Laboratory. The
contributions of Morris Adelman, Charles Blitzer, Loren Cox, John
Parsons, and Arthur Wright and the assistance of Sethu
Palaniappan, Richard Samuels, Paul Smith, Jeffrey Stewart and
Hirotsugu Takeshita are gratefully acknowledged. All opinions
expr~ssed herein, however, are solely the responsibility of the
author.
151
---------·---·
Introduction
Long ago, a great king hired the wisest wizard in the land and
gave him the task of developing a process whereby lead could be
changed into gold. After many months of work, the wizard came
before the king and announced that, while the process was
difficult, he had succeeded. Delighted, the king immediately
ordered the wizard to make one thousand gold pieces and directed
the royal treasurer to p~ovide the wizard with whatever funds he
needed. The next day, the treasurer came to the king and told
him that the wizard had requested two thousand gold pieces in
order to pay for his supplies. Astounded, the king called the
wizard before him, and asked what was the purpose of a process
whose cost was twice the value of the product. The wizard drew
himself up and haughtily replied, "After all, your majesty, my
concern was the engineering, not the economics."
Today, the state of Alaska finds itself with an abundance of
lead, to wit, 30 Tcf of natural gas on the North Slope.
Delivered to Japan, however, this natural gas takes on the
characteristics of gold. The engineering is there, but unlike
the wizard, we must ask ourselves: ''What about the economics?"
In the case of Asian natural gas markets, the economics that we
need to concern ourselves with are not just project economics,
but market economics. The costs of the proposed Trans-Alaska Gas
System are not definitive at this point, but the more difficult
questions are what price will prevail for the gas, and what is
the availability of customers? In determining this. many factors
are involved, including the demand for gas in Japan, Korea, and
Taiwan, the regulatory environment in those countries, the
competitive positions of the other suppliers, the willingness of
both producers and consumers to take risks and change the current
system of supply, and the future prices for competing fuels,
especially oil.
Background
The Asian natural gas market consists entirely of LNG sh-ipments
to Japan and, soon, Korea. (Domestic utilization in countries
like Australia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Thailand, etc., only
indirectly affects the market as a whole and will not be
considered here.) Unlike Europe and N. America, natural gas
imports were begun as a means of providing low sulfur
replacements for petroleum consumed in electric power plants, and
only secondarily as fuel for local distribution companies.
Figure 1 shows natural gas's market penetration in Japan versus
the U.S. and W. Europe relative to total primary energy, and
Figure 2 shows the market share in electric power generation. As
Table 1 and Figure 3 show, three-fourths of this gas was
purchased by electric utilities for base or intermediate load
152
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power generation. Obviously, the Japanese gas market has evolved
in a different manner from the others. As will be discussed
below, this has important meanings for the future direction of
the market.
LNG shipments, which began in 1969, have grown rapidly over the
last decade and a half, to a level of 1300 Bcf per year in 1984,
or 640 thousand barrels per day of oil equivalent. Approximately
50% of this supply now comes from Indonesia, specifically the
Arun and Badak fields, with the rest scattered among various
other countries as far away as Abu Dhabi and Alaska. (See Figure
4.) The only firm new export project is the North West Shelf in
Australia, which intends to send 300 Bcf/yr. ( 6 million tonnes)
to Japan starting in 1989. Badak in Indonesia is adding an LNG
train to send 100 Bcf/yr. (2 million tonnes) to Korea beginning
later this year.
When LNG trade commenced, most Pacific Basin natural gas reserves
were located on the periphery or in countries that have consumed
them, specifically Australia and Pakistan. In fact, this
reflects the nature of reserves definition far more than it does
the actual availability of supply. A natural gas discovery
located in the Third World would rarely have a market, and would
be branded uneconomic. In other words, a dry hole. Thus, there
was very little natural gas reserve accumulation. Certainly, no
exploration was aimed at areas that were considered prone to
natural gas rather than oil.
Once it became possible to develop and market natural gas as LNG,
this situation changed, and fields that might otherwise be
overlooked were logged as discoveries. The result has been the
astonishing rate of growth in natural gas reserves seen in Figure
5. Most notably, the exporting troika of Brunei, Malaysia, and
Indonesia have seen their reserves grow from 3 Tcf in 1969 to
100 in 1986. This does not include the 40-150 Tcf estimated to
be in the Natuna area of Indonesia, 30 Tcf on the North Slope of
Alaska, or 150 Tcf in Qatar, all of which are capable of
providing LNG in the next decade.
Estimates of undiscovered natural gas reserves in the Asian
region (excluding the Persian Gulf, Alaska, and China) are on the
order of 300 _to 500 TeL. Howe-ver, this reli-es on-a-conservative
definition of reserves, i.e. fields that will be economic given
today's prices and ±echnology. Large amounts of gas resources in
the region are not considered economic, but probably will be in
the next century as local infrastructure is developed and
technology advances, lowering the costs of developing and
transporting the gas. Since current reserves will support
current consumption levels for seventy years, and undiscovered
but currently economic reserves two to three times as long, these
currently uneconomic resources will have ample time to see a
change in their status.
The easiest way to understand the impact of long-term changes is
153
to look back in time. What was "economically and technically
available" thirty-five years ago did not include ~ffshore or
Alaskan oil and gas, yet today these resources account· for
one-third of world oil production and one-fifth of natural gas
production. What our parents would have defined as
''unconventional" energy is a normal part of our reserve base, and
our grandchildren will probably laugh at the thought that so much
of their energy supply was considered by us to be unattainable.
The Current Situation
At present, the natural gas market in Asia can only be described
as a market in disequilibria: The amount of supply far exceeds
the amount of demand. Further, supply continues to grow while
demand is almost stagnant. This strongly suggests that the price
is too high, and the failure of the price to fall indicates that
non-market factors are at work.
The oversupply is evident from, firstly, the fact that natural
gas depletion rates are as low as 1% in the exporting countries
of Brunei, Indonesia, and Malaysia. This is one tenth the level
of depletion in the United States, which is possibly the closest
thing to a free market in natural gas that the world has to
offer. Not only that, but reserves have continued to grow in
these areas, largely due to drilling for oil.
Beyond this, the supply surplus is shown by the fact that there
are many proposed projects consisting largely of producers in
search of customers. (The Western Canada LNG Project was
recently cancelled by the participants due to uncertainties,
especially regarding the price.) Table 2 lists proposed projects
that would result in exports of 1600 Bcf/yr. (32 million tonnes)
most of which could be brought on-line in roughly five years.
(Badak has been said to be seeking contracts for an additional
4-6 mt (200-300 Bcf) of exports, but these reports are
unconfirmed.) In addition, Algeria has been said to be offering
spot shipments of LNG in the Japanese market, although given the
shipping distances involved, the quantities are unlikely to be
large.
If these projects were going ahead, and consumption in Japan was
rising, then it could be argued that the surplus was a function
of the long lead times necessary for an LNG project. However, as
Table 3 shows, the expected demand in Japan forecasted by the
major Japanese institutions is for relative stagnation. The most
optimistic projection made since energy demand flattened, (i.e.
MITI's 1983 forecast) would allow room for one more project on
the size of Austr~lia's North West Shelf in the 1990s, perhaps an
added train (2 mt, or 100 Bcf) somewhere, and nothing else before
the end of the century. The most pessimistic would allow no more
than an added train or small project by 1995, (although the
Petroleum Association of Japan can hardly be described as a
disinterested observer).
154
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The Potential for Change
Development of complete supply and demand curves would enable us
to observe what the proper equilibrium price and quantity would
be, ignoring all regulatory and institutional factors, but such
analysis would be difficult. However, a number of observations
can be made to indicate the extent of movement possible, both in
terms of increasing quantities traded and decreasing prices.
In the first place, the theoretical potential for substitution of
natural gas in Japan is far from satisfied. In 1984, residual
fuel oil made up 21% of Japan's total primary energy consumption,
versus 4% in the United States. In electricity generation, oil
accounted for 37% of Japan's fuel input in 1983, versus 6% in the
United States. Figure 1 has already shown the low market
penetration of natural gas into Japan. Clearly, although the
markets are different, the potential is quite sizeable.
On the supply side, the underutilization of reserves has already
been discussed, but the economics of those reserves has not-The
movement of natural gas over oceans is a very expensive task, and
can prevent the use of reserves, no matter how large or cheap to
produce. Many market observers have argued that the
liquefaction, transportation and regasification of natural gas is
so expensive that price cuts are not really feasible. In fact,
that has not proved to be the case.
An analysis of published reports of costs for natural gas field
development and LNG projects, along with a study of available
estimates of costs 1 indicates that the existing LNG projects in
the Pacific Basin are able to deliver LNG to Japan for less than
$3/Mcf. There is substantial variance due to location and the
period of construction, but, to date, the deviation from this
figure should be small. Given prices on the order of $5/Mcf
since the Iranian Oil Crisis, the profits have obviously been
considerable.
The cost estimate breaks down in the following manner:
Field development and operating costs: For the low-cost
producers (Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Qatar), roughly
$0.25/Mcf. For the higher cost producers, (China, Thailand,
Australi-a), between -$6-50-and-$1.00/Mcf.
Liquefaction costs: $1/Mcf, with older plants being cheaper,
capacity additions cheaper than new plants, and Third World
countries (excluding the Middle East with its high labor costs)
being slightly cheaper. The range on existing plants would be
about $0.20 1 plus or minus. The price charged for fuel is an
important facto~, with sdme producers arguing that the
liquefaction plant should pay the price that the gas is landed
at, or $5/Mcf, but this allows enormous profits to the producer,
given the production costs cited above. Since up to 15% of the
input gas is used as fue1 4 a $4/Mcf discount on the fuel price
155
reduces the cost of delivered LNG by $0.60/Mcf.
Shipping costs: Typically, projects pay $0.20/Mcf/1000
miles, or about $0.65 from Indonesia, Malaysia, Australia, and
$1.40 from the Persian Gulf (Abu Dhabi and Qatar). These costs
do not vary over time, since tanker prices have been relatively
stable. They are, however, slightly sensitive to the price
charged for the natural gas which evaporates from the LNG tanks
("boiloff), which can be up to 2% of the transported gas for
older LNG tankers on a 3,300 mile run (Indonesia to Japan).
Newer tankers have approximately half the boiloff rate.
Regasification costs: Most importers pay on the order of
$0.35 to $0.40/Mcf, including storage. Plant fuel and other
losses total about 2%, so the price charged, again, has a minor
impact.
The conclusion is that the cost for a new project to produce,
liquefy, transport, and regasify natural gas from Indonesia to
Japan would be about $2.25/Mcf, approximately half the recent
import price. Projects in Canada and Australia suffer from both
higher production costs and higher capital costs, bringing them
up to approximately $3.50 to $4/Mcf. (Alaska is discussed
below.)
Naturally, given the small number of plants that have been built,
it is difficult to provide estimates with a particularly high
degree of confidence. This problem is exascerbated by the
inflation which has occurred in capital costs for large-scale
projects, including liquefaction and regasification plants.
Since the early 1970s, these costs have risen 5% to 7% per year
faster than the rate of inflation in the U.S. Were this trend to
continue, currently viable projects would become marginal, even
with stable oil prices.
Actually, indications are that the trend will not only fail to
continue, but will reverse itself. As mentioned, the small
number of LNG projects makes it difficult to perform
sophisticated statistical analyses, let alone construct an
inflation index. By studying similar types of construction
projects, however, it is possible to draw some conclusions.
Figure 6 shows inflation indexes for certain types of
construction compiled by the U.S. government (non-residential
fixed structures) and the Oil and Gas Journal (oil pipelines and
refineries). All have risen quite sharply, especially since the
Arabian Oil Embargo. But when corrected for inflation, a
different pattern becomes evident, as shown in Figure 7. Long
periods of real cost growth and decline are seen, usually in
oscillation. And it appears that the market has now entered a
period of real cost decline, which anyone working for a large
construction contractor can attest to. Thus, new liquefaction
plants should become cheaper rather than more expensive for some
years to come. Naturally, exchange rates will have an
(unpredictable) impact on this.
156
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The weakness in the market for construction projects will have a
short-term impact on costs, although this is difficult to
quantify. Figure 8 shows the boom which occurred in LNG project
construction in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the current
bust that the market is in now. New orders for plants will take
place in a more competitive environment than five years ago. For
comparison, Table 4 lists U.S. construction of large diameter
pipelines, and the fall in costs has been dramatic.
Future Markets
Given an abundance of supply, available at competitive prices and
great potential demand for LNG, why are growth rates stagnant?
Many factors contribute to this, some short-term, some easily
changed, and others somewhat implacable. For one thing, rapid
growth in natural gas consumption in Japan would imply a loss of
market share for oil, and the government is already concerned
about the viability of the domestic oil industry. It seems
unlikely to encourage any further, near-term damage. Another
reason stems from concern about diversifying away from oil only
to become too dependent on one or two natural gas suppliers.
Since the major alternatives to Malaysia and Indonesia are
high-cost producers, falling oil prices will make large-scale
expansion in those areas difficult.
However, the manner in which the market has evolved plays a
significant role in the failure of natural gas to be priced
competitively. Early projects, as mentioned, were aimed
prima~ily at electric utilities seeking fuel for base-load power
generation, and were signed when energy markets were tight. The
result was: (1) take-or-pay requirements of 100%, (2)
restrictions against trading of surpluses, (3) prices equated to
landed crude oil prices and (4) no seasonality of offtake
allowed. As a result, rather than a market for LNG, there are a
number of dedicated projects, with little trading, inflexible
deliveries and prices, and no room for expansion.
Although the lack of price competitiveness has prevented LNG
trade from expanding as much as it could, the inflexibility of
contract and delivery provisions have created inefficiencies
which have increased costs and reduced sales. Much of the oil
still consumed by Japan's utility industry is for peaking
purposes, especially summer seasonal load. Given-storage costs
for LNG, taking a year-round contract to cover a few months of
demand is not economic, unless· prices are discounted or producers
seek alternative markets for some of the year.
Considering their profit margins at prices of $5/Mcf, producers
could cut prices to allow more seasonal sales, or add capacity to
sell for a few months a year at crude oil equivalent prices, then
sell spot cargoes for less, either to current importers who could
place cheaper natural gas on a short-term basis, or to new
customers who would be interested in a given spot cargo, but not
157
willing to develop facilities to import under long-term
contracts. The Asian gas market is, unfortunately, not well
enough developed to allow for the kind of spot sales that occur
in North America to cover short-term surpluses and shortages. In
part, this is a reflection of the expense of regasification
facilities, and in part. a lack of industrial infrastrucutre in
most parts of the region. It is not actually necessary to have a
regasification plant to receive LNG, since a ship can regasify
its cargo, albeit slowly and more expensively, but a customer is
needed. In other words, a port facility with a gas distribution
network, one or more large industrial users, and/or a sizeable
power plant-Outiide of current LNG importers, there are some
such potential customers, but not many.
It should also be noted that Japan's industrial sector relies
petroleum for twice as much of its oil as U.S. industry does,
while consuming small quantities of natural gas (a 3% market
share in 1983, versus 35% in the u.s.). The potential for
further market penetration is obviously substantial, but
distribution costs for any but the largest companies require a
discount on cif LNG prices in order to be competitive with oil
products. The recent decline of fuel oil prices relative to
crude oil has decreased the competitive position of LNG in the
industrial sector. Also, while electric utilities can pass on
the cost of fuel without concern, industries in competitive
positions must monitor costs much more closely.
Future Trade: Imagination or Stagnation?
on
The market is now poised to take one of two roads~ acceptance of
the status quo, or an attempt to change old patterns and
reinvigorate LNG trade. The most important factors in the future
direction of LNG trade in Asia are the price of oil and the price
of LNG. If oil prices settle at $15-20/barrel, then there is
little room for major expansion of trade. Current projects might
expand, but producers' incentives would be seriously reduced.
Importers may, however 1 tax their oil imports high enough to keep
LNG growing in order to improve supply diversification. If oil
prices rebound to the $25/barrel range, there will be increases
in LNG trade, though still centering more on existing areas and
capacity additions rather than those in new areas.
But if producers decide (or are forced to by competition) to
reduce prices in order to increase market share, particularly
penetrating the industrial sector in Japan, then significant
trade growth would resume. Lower prices will, naturally, favor
the traditional, low-cost producers over newer market entrants,
but high oil prices would allow some discounting from high-cost
areas as well.
The other course is for producers to seek something other than
single-customer, dedicated projects. If a contract for summer
deliveries to, for example-a Japanese utility can be combined
158
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with a contract for winter deliveries to Korean town gas use,
then an added LNG train at an existing site might be feasible.
Similarly, Qatar might take advantage of its position between
Japan and Europe to sell summer peaking supplies to Japan and
winter peaking to Europe. Instead of shutting down for the
non-peak seasons, spot cargoes could be sold around the Pacific
for as low as $1/Mcf and still cover variable costs and enough of
fixed costs to make them worthwhile. This would encourage the
development of a large-scale market for LNG, and would facilitate
long-term growth in trade.
The lack of imagination in current LNG markets is best
exemplified by the recently proposed Kuwaiti contract with
Indonesia, which the Kuwaitis had hoped could utilize (on their
return voyages) ships employed on the Abu Dhabi to Japan route.
thus saving some shipping costs. Yet, why not sign the contract
with Indonesia, and swap the LNG with Japanese utilities, sending
Abu Dhabi gas to Kuwait, and the additional Indonesian supply to
Japan? This would save about $0.60/Mcf in both directions. But
producers prefer not to allow their customers that much
flexibility.
Alaskan Natural Gas in Asian Markets
The proposed Trans-Alaska Gas System has a lot of factors working
against it, but some in its favor as well. Most importantly, the
effort involved in moving it to a liquefaction plant will mean
that costs will be higher than most projects now under
consideration. Recent pipeline cost estimates are a lot lower
than they were just a few years ago, however, due to increasing
experience with Arctic construction work, expectations of better
cost control than on the Trans-Alaska (Oil) Pipeline, a more
competitive construction market, and a better regulatory
environment. Thus, it is conceivable that from wellhead to
regasification, the cost could run as low as $2.55/Mcf.
Production costs would be added to this, but the total would not
exceed $3/Mcf.
One of the drawbacks, however, is that in order to achieve the
necessary economies of scale, the project needs contracts for
substantial amounts of natural gas. Even if only the first phase
is undertaken, nearly 250 Bcf/yr. needs to be sold. This would
require more than some seasonal fuel-switching in Japan. On th~
other hand, American companies are currently price-takers and
perhaps willing to accept a price less than c·rude oil equivalent
if it would ensure the sale, and Japanese companies might be
willing to accept some risk in order to start a new pattern of
supply contracts.
Then 1 too, the political aspect should not be overlooked. The
United States is, presumably, unlikely to offer Japan some
islands in return for an LNG contract, as the Russians are doing
but perhaps an accomodation·on the restrictions against Alaskan
159
crude exports could be combined with an LNG sale. Certainly, the
Japanese would like to reduce trade friction by reducing the
deficit, though imports of American LNG into Japan will hardly
pacify the U.S. auto industry.
160
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Exporter Importer
Alaska
Brunei
Abu Dhabi
Indonesia
Malaysia
Indonesia
Indonesia
Australia
Tokyo Gas
Tokyo Electric
Tokyo Gas
Tokyo Electric
Osaka Gas
Tokyo Electric
Kansai Electric
Chubu Electric
Kyushu Electric
Osaka Gas
Nippon Steel
Tokyo Gas
Tokyo Electric
Chubu Electric
Kansai Electric
Toho Gas
Osaka Gas
Tohoku Electric
Tokyo Electric
Others
Tokyo Electric
Kansai Electric
Chubu Electric
Kyushu Electric
Tokyo Gas
Osaka Gas
Toho Gas
Table 1
LNG Importers
Quantity
(thousand
tonnes)
240
720
1060
3450
630
2060
2400
1500
1500
1300
600
2000
4000
1500
800
500
400
2550
400
350
900
900
900
900
580
580
150
Total Volume for Electric Utilities
Total Volume for Town Gas Companies
Total Volume for all others
25,930
7 470
950
Start-up
Date
1969
1972
1977
1977
1983
1983
1984
1989
Source: "The Demand for Natural Gas in Japan, 1985-2000," Arthur
Wright, MIT Energy Laboratory, 1986.
161
Table 2
Planned or Proposed LNG Projects
Starting Quantity
~~Qorter --·-------Date* ( m t) Status -----
Indonesia (Arun 3, to 1986 2 Under
Korea) construction
Indonesia (to Taiwan) 1988? 1.5 In negotiations
Thailand 1990? 3 Buyers sought
Alaska (TAGS)
Phase I 1990 4.8 Proposed
Phase II 1992 4.1 II
Phase III 1994 5.6 II
Qatar 1990 6 Proposed
USSR (Sakhalin) 1990+ 3 In Negotiations
Australia (Elf to ?) mid-1990s 2 Proposed
*Estimated
Note: Japan is buyer except where otherwise noted.
162
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Table 3
Japanese Forecasts of LNG Imports
(million metric tonnes)
Forecaster
(Date) 1990 1995 2000
Contracted 31.7 26.6 17.0
MIT! (4/82) 43.0 ----51.9
MIT! (11/83) 36.5 40.0 43.0
(later revision: 36.5 40.0 41.5
lEE (6/84) 34.0 40.0
PAJ (6/84) 33.2 37.0 40.9
PAJ (8/85) 32.3 34.6 35.1
MIT!
lEE
PAJ
= Ministry of International Trade and Industry
= Institute of Energy Economics
= Petroleum Association of Japan
SOURCES: Tokyo Gas Co., The Role of LNG (Past, Present, and F~ture),
Tokyo, June 1985.
lEE, "Japan's Long-Term Energy Supply/Demand Forecast,"
manuscript, June 7, 1984.
PAJ, documents given to Professor Richard Samuels,
autumn 1985.
From "The Demand for Natural Gas in Japan, 1985-2000,'' by Arthur W.
Wright, presented at the Pacific Basin Trade in Natural Gas, January
1986.
163
Table 4
Trends in Pipeline Construction Costs
A. 1983
Length Diameter Cost
<miles> <inches> <million $)($/inch/mile)
48.6 48 135.0 57,870
74.1 42 131.2 42,157
158.0 42 313.0 47,167
38.6 42 68.2 42,068
60.6 42 129.0 50,684
10.5 36 7.9 20,999
360.0 36 536.0 41,358
23.0 36 20.0 24,155
B. 1984
(miles> (inches> (million $)($/inch/mile>
22.5 42 21.4 22,686
217.6 42 291.2 31,863
155.3 36 157.1 28,100
29.6 36 30.8 28,953
86.5 30 79.2 30,510
112.0 30 73.8 21' 964
23.8 30 15.1 21,184
c. 1985
<miles> <inches> <million $)($/inch/mile>
5.4 42 6.6 28,887
4.1 36 10.1 67,931
81.0 36 51.0 17,476
11.1 36 8.5 21,154
322.5 36 251.7 21,680
Source: Oil and Gas Journal, Pipeline Economics
issue, various years.
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1970
Figure 1
NATURAL GAS MARKET SHARE
(TOTAL PRIMARY ENERGY)
1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984
a JAPAN + us o W EUROPE
165
------------·~~------~·--
Figure 2
GAS USE FOR POWER GENERATION
(PERCENT OF GAS CONSUMPTION)
80~------------------------------------~
70
60
50
40
30
20 t f ':: I I 1 ~c:::::::-l~l -t
10 ~--~--~----~--~--~--~----~--~--~--~~--~--~--~
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982
c JAPAN + US o W EUROPE
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JAPANESE SECTORAL USE OF LNG
-::; 21
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Figure 4
JAPAN'S CONTRACTED LNG IMPORTS
1.8
1 .7
1 .6
1 .5
1.4
1 .3
1.2
1 . 1
1
0.9
0.8
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1 .
0 . '
1969 1973
Abu Dhabi
Brunei
1977 1981
Malaysia
Indonesia
Alaska"'"){
1985 1989
Australia
41
1993 1997
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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Figure 5
NATURAL GAS PROVED RESERVES
180~-----------------------------------------------
170
160
150
140
1..30
120
110
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
..30
~~-~ ~ ~
1969
lZZJ EXPORTERS
1974 1979
__(As of Jcnucry 1) ISSJ AUSTR.-N.Z.
1986
fZ:ZI OTHERS
169
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-......!
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0 .....
II
Figure 6
INFLATORS FOR LARGE-SCALE PROJECTS
(NOMINAL)
110~------------------~----~------------------~
100
90
80
70
60
N 50 OJ
(}') .....
40
30
20
0 I• iIi I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
1928 1933 1938 1943 1948 1953 1'958 1963 1968 1973 1978 1983
D REFINERY + NONRES STRUCS <> OIL PLS
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COAL
EVOLVING SUPPLY AND DEMA}ID PATTERNS
by
Dr. Joseph Yancik
Director
Office of Energy
International Trade Administration
u.s. Department of Commerce
Washington, D.C.
Presented
to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth International Conference
on
Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
and
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
173
COAL
EVOLVING SUPPLY AND DEMAND
IN
WORLD SEABORNE STEAM COAL TRADE
INTRODUCTION
This paper descri~es the evolution of world seaborne steam coal
trade since 1975. It highlights current trends and the historic
and present sources of supply and demand and discusses selected
factors that may affect future world trade patterns. It con-
cludes with a general discussion on the prospects for United
States participation in the growing world markets for steam coal.
One encouraging note is that in 1985 Alaska made its debut in the
modern seaborne steam coal trade beginning with shipments to
Korea from the Usibelli mine at Healy. These exports could be
the beginning of a very bright future for Alaska, as the state
has extensive reserves of steam coal that could compete in the
growing seaborne trade.
Worldwtde seaborne steam coal trade is linked very closely to
the generation of electricity and industrial use of process heat
in cement and other manufacturing plants. The main factors that
influence this trade are: economic growth, electricity demand,
indigenous coal production (and degree of protection from lower
cost coal imports), and the delivered costs of coal relative to
other substitutable fuels.
It may be of interest to know how these factors have changed
seaborne steam coal trade in the past twelve years. In 1970,
the total world use of steam coal was about two billion short
tons. International trade in steam coal was only 80 million tons
or about four percent of the total. Seaborne trade accounted for
about 30 percent of international trade, or about 25 million
tons. In 1982, the latest year for which good statistics are
available, total world use of steam coal was about 3.6 billion
tons. Seaborne steam coal trade was 110 million tons which
is about 3 pe~cent of the total and 37 percent of the interna-
tional trade.
1 Seaborne coal trade is defined in this paper as ship-
ments via ocean-going ships, excluding intracoastal movements,
intra-EEC and central planned Eastern Europe trade.
2 Estimated from various sources of statistical data.
174
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CURRENT TRADE HIGHLIGHTS AND TRENDS
Major changes have occurred in the international steam coal
market since 1975. The basic considerations behind energy fuel
choice decisions have not changed; coal still competes against
all energy fuels, oil, gas and nuclear on a cost per Btu basis.
What has changed are the importer/exporter trade patterns and
they have been altered significantly.
From 1975 to 1985 seaborne coal trade grew from 37 to 136 million
tons. In 1985 the major suppliers of seaborne steam coal were
Australia, ~outh Africa, United States, Poland and Canada in
that order.
By 1995 the market is expected to total about 233 million tons.,
which is equivalent to an annualized growth rate of 5.5 percent
from 1985. This growth rate is considerably less than the annual
growth of 14 percent from 1975 to 1985.
In 1975 the U.S. was the number two supplier, close behind
Poland, but by 1985 it was a swing supplier because it became a
high-cost source of import coal. As a swing supplier (an ability
to ship large amounts of coal on short notice) it also offers
importers a secure source of coal for their supply diversifi-
cation plans. This swing supplier role will continue into the
early 1990's although there are opportunities for the u.s. to
become a major base supplier in certain markets.
Other trends are evident. In the next five years Colombia will
be one of the top five exporters challenging the United States
for third place, and displacing Canada from the top five. China
could enter the market in a big way in the next five to ten
years, although that is not certain.
The major markets for seaborne steam coal will not change
appreciably in the next ten years. Western Europe in 1985
accounted for 56 percent of the total market for imported steam
coal while the Pacific Rim was 38 percent. In 1995 the percen-
tage of total imports going to Europe is expected to decline
slightly to 5~ percent while that to the Pacific Rim area remains
at 39 percent.
Security of supply concerns, evident in the late seventies,
have given way to a growing a\vareness of the geopolitical
considerations of a world energy trade in steam coal. This
change can be attributed largely to the fact that in the early
eighties substantial excess production capacity developed
as demand did not reach expectations. The current world excess
3 Data used in this paper are summarized in Tables 1 and 2
175
steam coal production capacity is estimated in excess of 40
million tons, exclusive of the over-capacity in the u.s. which is
probably around 100 million tons.
These projections assume that no major policy changes towards
imports or exports will be made by either the coal consuming or
producing countries. While demand projections have a higher
degree of uncertainty than supply projections both contain
judgments on non-economic factors. One such factor is that coal
purchases appear to be becoming more politicized. This perceived
trend in coal trade is a real concern and needs to be carefully
watched by both exporters and importers.
Most trade issues today are extremely controversial and energy
trade is no exception. Almost every country in the world imports
or exports energy in one form or another. More and more coun-
tries are pursuing efforts to protect their national industries,
and when countries restrict coal imports or set-aside market
shares for certain trading partners, these or other government
interventions can have direct negative consequences for the
growth in world coal use.
The challenge for both exporting and importing nations is to
establish policies thet foster an international coal trade based
on free and fair trade. For world steam coal trade to grow and
prosper and become an essential component of a secure and stable
world economy, energy trade has to be based on market-oriented
principles.
OVERVIEW OF HISTORICAL TRADE
One needs to examine only the changes of the past 10 years to
identify the main events that appear to be shaping the future of
steam coal trade for the remainder of this century.
Prior to the early 1970's the demand for steam coal outside major
producing/consuming countries was relatively small and conse-
quently seaborne trade was only about 30 million tons (see
Figure 1) • Nearly all imports \vere by western Europe and its
suppliers were Poland, the U.S., the USSR and the U.K. in
that order. In 1975 Western Europe imported about 33 million
tons, 89 percent of total seaborne trade( with the same four
countries supplying over 90 percent of the imports.
The oil crisis in 1973 provided the impetus that changed the
slowly growing seaborne coal trade. The change was accelerated
by the second crisis in 1979. These oil crises focussed atten-
tion on coal as the only near-term alternative fuel to oil and
176
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gas. The only other option, nuclear energy, was faltering
because of technical, financial and regulatory environmental
problems.
The quadrupling of the price of oil made it economical to mine
steam coal at great distances from the consumer. Therefore, it
is not surprising that in the mid-to-late seventies electric
utilities and major industrial firms in the U.S., Europe and Far
East, rushed ahead plans for the immediate substitution of coal
for oil and natural gas. This led to massive investments in
new mines or expansions of existing mines in Australia, South
Africa, Colombia, and Canada to supply the increasing demand.
Supply capacity increased sharply, but the forecasted tripling of
demand did not occur, bringing on the current over-capacity
problems.
South Africa first emerged as a major supplier in 1976 with
the commissioning of their Richards Bay port facility. At the
same time Australia began to expand its capacity to export coal
and Colombia took its first steps to enter the international mar-
ket. Canada followed later, but its expansion was tied to
metallurgical coal demand. In the late seventies both China and
the USSR, with western partners providing the capital and tech-
nology, began to develop mines for export marke~s.
Most experts predicted steam coal trade would surge in 1978, but
it wasn't until 1980 that seaborne trade showed the first big
increase - -22 percent over the previous year. As shown in
Figure 2, this was followed by another big increase in 1981 of
about 16 percent. Again, in 1982 an increase of 22 percent was
recorded. This surge in demand was expected to continue in 1983,
but it did not because conversion of oil-fired plants to coal
slowed as oil prices continued to decline and the cost of capital
was increasing.
In retrospect, a substantial part of the increase in demand in
both 1981 and 1982 appears to have been panic buying. With OPEC
threatening to raise prices even higher, coal buyers panicked
when also confronted with possible shortages of coal because of
industrial problems in Aus~ralia and Poland.
Coal importers reacted swiftly to secure supplies. As the
u.s. was the only significant source of readily available coal
U.S. coal companies were the main beneficiaries of this panic
buying. In 1981 and in early 1982 our coal industry enjoyed
increased sales at premium prices because of buyers' fears over
shortages and their desire to build large stockpiles.
About mid-year 1982 and extending through 1983 the market
returned to reality. Seaborne trade declined in 1983 by 12
177
percent as stockpiles were consumed and real growth slowed
because the massive switch of existing boilers to coal burning
was essentially completed.
Again in 1984 there was a surge in growth of 24 percent, but only
the uninformed interpreted this sizeable increase as a return to
the 20 percent plus annual growth in steam coal demand. Expor-
ters knew that many major users were forward-buying in anticipa-
tion of a United Mine Workers strike in the u.s. and possible
major strikes in Australia. Neither country had major strikes,
a non-occurrence that will have important ramifications on buying
patterns in future years.
Early in 1985 many experts were predicting a rise of no more
than 10 million tons in seaborne coal trade because of excessive
stocks and the commissioning of only a limited number of new
coal-fired power plants. However, preliminary numbers for 1985
suggest that expectations were exceeded for trade increased about
14 percent over 1984 and amounted to an increase of about 17
million tons.
MAJOR COAL IMPOR~ING. AREAS
In this paper the major importing regions are aggregated into
three categories: Western Europe, Pacific Rim, and Other which
includes all other countries importing coal. Each of these
regions are separately discussed.
Europe
Prior to 1980, Europe was the predominant market for seaborne
steam coal as illustrated in Figure 1. Imports were largely to
those countries that had no indigenous production. After the oil
shocks, national policies encouraged the substitution of coal for
oil on which mpst of Europe was heavily dependent, and the
construction of new power plants accelerated, particularly in
Italy and Scandinavia. Imports more than doubled from 1975 to
1980.
In the next five years, 1980 to 1985, as shown in Figure 3, im-
ports increased by only 19 percent or 3.5 percent annually, a
much slower growth than predicted in 1980. There were a number
of reasons why higher coal trade did not materialize: slower
economic growth, energy conservation, continued high subsidi-
zation of domestic coal production and oil prices that rose
slowly and then began a decline that brought oil prices back to
1979 price levels.
178
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All of these factors, but particularly the declining oil prices
in real terms and reduced electricity growth rates, stalled
boiler conversions to coal. In many forecasts these plant
conversions ·are still included in the-demand figures, even though
the probability of their converting to coal is unlikely. It is
worth noting that these postponed conversions from the early
eighties would not be economical if today's oil price levels
hold.
Pacific Rim
Prior to 1975 the Pacific Rim countries imported very little
steam coal. Japan led the way in 1976 when it began to import
steam coal to supplement its domestic production. Its imports
reached about eight million tons in 1980, which accounted for
about 75 percent of the total trade in the Pacific region. By
1985 Japan had increased its imports to 21.4 million tons,
almost a threefold increase in five years.
Over the same five year period, imports by other Pacific nations
grew to exceed Japan's total, giving rise to an overall fourfold
increase in total Pacific coal trade from 1980 to 1985. The main
importers Taiwan, Korea, Hong Kong and Malaysia.
A large share of the early growth in Pacific steam coal demand
was from the conversion of electric power, cement and other
manufacturing plants. Only in the last several years have new
coal fired power plants boosted demand. It is estimated that in
1985 about 65 percent, or 27 million tons, of the total imported
in the region was used to generate electricity. Japan alone
accounts for 13 million tons of this total .
Other
The main regions in the Other category are Eastern Europe,
Southern Hediterranean area, and South America. The principal
countries in the latter region are Argentina, Brazil, Chile and
Mexico. Coal use in the Other category is increasing as shown in
Figure 3, totalling about 21 million tons in 1985. Growth is
expected to continue and justifies a more detailed examination in
future analyses.
MAJOR COAL EXPORTING COUNTRIES
In the past ten years there has been a substantial reordering of
the top five seaborne steam coal exporters. Shown in Figure 4 is
the ranking for the years 1975, 1980 and 1985. In 1975 Poland
179
ranked first, but it slipped to fourth in 1985. South Africa,
not in the top five in 1975, rose to first in 1980 and was
barely edged out by Australia in 1985. Meanwhile, the United
States had second place in 1975, retained that position in 1980,
but slipped to third in 1985.
Figure 5 shows the four largest suppliers to Europe during the
years 1980 through 1985. The trends illustrated in this graph
are no surprise, but they do give ample evidence to what has
happened. Poland and South Africa have levelled off at around 15
and 24 million tons respectively, and for very different reasons
neither are likely to experience growth in the next five years.
The u.s., although up and down in volume of exports over the past
five years, has a relatively constant volume market base. This
base is unlikely to change much in the future without a signifi-
cant improvement in delivered price competitiveness. One very
important factor is the value of the dollar relative to both
importing and exporting countries. There are other important
cost factors that determine our potential for exports such as
productivity and tax liabilities, but a discussion of these
factors is beyond the scope of this paper. Absent changes in
these factors the u.s. will remain the swing suppl~r •. Possibi-
lities do exist for basic changes, but it is not clear that any
immediate opportunities exist.
Australia appears to be the exporter that is in a position to
capture a large part of the growth in market demand. However,
Colombia is beginning to export and, with Europe its natural
market, will give Australia tough competition.
Figure 6 shows the four largest exporters to the Pacific Rim
markets. Australia clearly dominates this market with a consis-
tent 40 percent market share. South Africa maintained a very
strong competitive position throughout the 1980 to 1985 period
generally holding on to its one-third market share. Canada is
slowly increasing its exports and will likely pass the U.S.,
whose sales are declining. Unless lower cost supplies can be
developed in the U.S.1 future prospects are not promising.
However, Alaskan coal reserves, such as in the Beluga coal field,
could be the key to an expanded role for the U.S. in the seaborne
steam coal market, especially in the Pacific Rim.
The new competitors on the horizon are Colombia, China, the USSR,
and Indonesia. Probably only the first two are serious challen-
gers, but neither will displace Australia or South Africa.
The broad treatment given to the rankings achieved by suppliers
obviously leaves unsaid many other important factors that
determine overall competitiveness. Inherent in these rankings
are operating costs, such as the direct and indirect expenses of
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mining and transporting coal to the ports, as well as external
cost factors such as monetary exchange rates, oc~an freight
costs, and government policies. In many cases these external
costs can determine the relative competitiveness of an exporter.
Before exploring the future of the major steam coal exporting
countries, a brief review of their major assets and liabilities
will help to understand their possibilities. The views expressed
are those generally held by the major importers of seaborne coal.
Australia
Australia exports about 50 percent of its total coal production
and is currently the world's largest seaborne coal exporter,
having achieving this status in 1984 by overtaking the u.s
(includes both metallurgical and steam coal). It has a current
excess steam coal export capacity of about 10 million tons. It
also possesses large, undeveloped, low cost mineable reserves and
has an excellent infrastructure dedicated to coal exports. It
could rapidly expand steam coal exports with relatively small
additional investments at existing mines.
The federal and state governments actively help promote coal
exports, but they also control coal exports because of the
importance of the revenue to the entire Australian economy. Coal
is their largest export item accounting for 14 percent of
total export value.
A major impediment to exporting is the labor unions which in the
past have forced delays in shipments. Another shortcoming is a
shortage of domestic investment capital, which requires borrowing
from international money markets or inviting foreign equity
investments.
Canada
Canada's steam coal reserves are in the western provinces and
are mostly metallurgical coal seams that have oxidized or have
marginal coking properties. It has a current excess export
capacity of around five million tons. Canada benefits from an
excellent export infrastructure, and Canadian coal companies
enjoy strong government support for coal exports.
Major impediments are high mining costs due to the large capital
investments for developing mines in remote areas and mountainous
terrain. The long mine to port distances also contribute to
high transportation costs, but government investments keep these
costs manageable. Major new mines are not expected in the next
five to ten years because of worldwide excess capacity and high
capital and operating costs for green-field Canadian mines.
181
Colombia
Substantial reserves are available for development for the export
markets, but except for El Cerrejon North mine, Colombia's
transportation systems are inadequate. Major impediments are a
lack of domestic investment capital and uncertainty of foreign
investors over the long-term political stability.
The El Cerrejon North field gives Colombia a strong base for
competing in the world steam coal markets as long as the govern-
ment continues its favorable tax and profit remittance policies
for its foreign joint venture partners. If Colombia can overcome
its weak financial position and convince foreign investors that
it has political stability, the potential is there to become a
major supplier in the world steam coal markets.
European Economic Community (EEC)
EEC producing countries with the possibility to participate in
future seaborne coal trade are the U.K. and West Germany. Except
for special circumstances the likelihood of substantial exports
are minimal from either of these two countries and especially
from Germany. In both countries the production of coal is
subsidized by the Community, national, and state governments,
because the average cost of mining is considerably above current
world market prices. Since the mineable reserves have inherently
high extraction costs, both countries are essentially precluded
from meaningful participation in world trade.
Poland
Poland has an incentive to maintain and expand, if possible,
its current base of exports to the West because of its need to
earn hard currency. It has a well developed mining industry, but
its remaining reserves are at great depths. Mining costs are
high, new mines are very expensive, and Poland lacks the invest-
ment capital to expand its production base. Poland is also under
increasing pressure to export more coal to the USSR as production
declines in the Donets basin.
Even with a stable - -but more likely declining - -production
base Poland will have difficulty maintaining its exports to-
Western Europe. However, as a central p~anned economy it is in a
position to export whatever quantities it has available after
meeting its minimum domestic and eastern bloc needs.
182
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Peoples Republic of China (PRC)
China has the potential to be a major exporter and as a matter of
national policy it has a goal to become a major supplier of coal
to the Pacific Rim markets. It has extensive, high quality
reserves available for joint development with foreign investors.
Major impediments are its inadequate internal transportation
infrastructure, current inability to supply domestic demand and
uncertain long-term ability to attract foreign capital. If China
imposes a requirement on joint venture mines to dedicate a part
of their output to internal consumption, investments by foreign
partners become less attractive.
Traditionally, coal importers have been reluctant to commit to
long-term arrangements and foreign investors have been cautious
towards committing to large capital investments in a centrally
planned economy.
South Africa
South Africa has the world's lowest cost mining operations
(favorable mining geology and low labor costs} and with its
dedicated export transportation system produces the world's
cheapest steam coal. Although overall quality of reserves does
not match that in the u.s., Canada, or Australia, the low sulfur
content of South African coal has become a standard reference in
the world markets for boilers not equipped with flue gas desul-
furization scrubbers.
The increasing use of trade sanctions to demonstrate opposition
to South Africa's apartheid policy is forcing some importing
countries to reduce or terminate purchases of South African
coal. If trade sanctions continue, investments in mines and port
facilities could be discouraged, and export capacity may be
limited to current levels well into the early nineties.
United States
The u.s. coal industrt h~s an excess production capacity esti-
mated at more than 100 million short tons. It has a well devel-
oped inland transportation system and a port capacity more than
twice current exports (capacity around. 200 million tons). It has
high quality, high Btu bituminous steam coals in the Appalachian
fields, Colorado and Utah, and high quality subbituminous coals
in the Powder River basin and Alaska. The U.S. is considered to
be one of the most reliable and secure sources of supply.
183
Despite all these attributes, the u.s. is a marginal supplier of
steam coal because it is a high-cost supplier in both of the
major markets due partly to the high value of the dollar. In
Europe, South Africa holds the 0 free marketn competitive advan-
tage, while in the Pacific Rim Australia has that position.
It is generally agreed that the u.s. is reasonably competitive on
a mine-mouth cost basis with other suppliers, except for South
Africa. On a delivered cost basis, however, u.s. coal loses its
competitiveness because of high transportation costs. These high
costs are a combination of high inland domestic shipping costs
and high ocean freight costs due to the distances to the markets.
USSR
The Soviet Union has extensive coal reserves and is a major
world producer of coal. However, it is unlikely to expand its
current seaborne coal trade which is minimal and directed to
western European nations and Japan. It lacks reserves close to
its coasts and is constrained by availability of capital and
hampered by changing political objectives.
Importers are generally reluctant to commit to long-term arrange-
ments because of a lack of confidence in the Soviet Union's
ability to supply large volumes of coal over an extended time
period. Japan's commitment of capital and long-term contracts
for metallurgical coal isn't likely to be duplicated soon for
steam coal by other importing countries.
Other
The main coal exporters in this category are Brazil, India,
Indonesia, and New Zealand. In the future these countries
could be joined by Venezuela and Mozambique. None of these
countries are expected to become major suppliers in the next ten
years.
FUTURE WORLD DEMAND
All forecasts predict a continuing growth in seaborne steam coal
trade, but there the consistency ends. In this paper the 1990
and 1995 forecasts represent an average of mid-range estimates
from recent projections made by both industry and government
organizations.
Figure 7 shows the actual trade for 1975 and 1985 along with
projections for 1990 and 1995. In the last 10 years seaborne
coal trade increased about 100 million tons, nearly an overall
184
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four-fold increase. The average annualized increase over this
ten year period was about 14 percent and over the last five years
about 11 percent. An overall increase of 97 million tons is
projected for the next ten years, an average growth of about 5.5
percent.
In the European~market, the projected increase over the next ten
years is about 46 million tons which is roughly equivalent to the
increase in the past ten years (see Figure 8). There are reasons
to question if the 1995 projection can be reached. In the past
10 years approximately half of the coal imported could be
attributed to a decline in indigenous steam coal production.
Also, in the past ten years a substantial part of the growth in
coal use came from industrial conversions, especially cement
plants. With the prospects for lower oil prices in real terms it
is expected that there will be a slower growth rate for coal
demand. Consequently, imports might only reach the projected
level if EEC indigenous production declines.
A significant decline in Community production will probably not
take place unless there is a substantial reduction in both
Community and national subsidies, particularly in West Germany
and the U.K. Recently the West German Government decided to
increase subsidies in 1986 to make domestic coal more competitive
with imported coal. Also, the European Community decided to
extend current subsidies for indigenous production to July 1986
and proposed extending these subsidies with only minor changes
through 1990.
Britain's National Coal Board, following the costly strike
in 1985, has recently proposed a new strategy to make its
coal industry more competitive. This strategy will require the
closing of up to a third of their mines and reducing the work
force by over 35,000 miners (about 20 percent of total coal
employment) to achieve a 20 percent reduction in production
costs. It remains to be seen if this rationalization plan can be
carried out because of the potential adverse political conse-
quences.
Considering the strong social, economic and political pressures
to continue subsidies to EEC coal producers, no appreciable drop
in EEC production is expected in the next five to ten years.
In the Pacific Rim markets a total increase of 75 percent in coal
import demand is expected by 1995, compared to import·s in 1985.
This high increase in demand implicitly implies that Japan will
double its current coal-fired power generating capacity, since
Japanese imports would have to account for at least 50 percent of
total seaborne trade. This prospect appears favorable since
Japan has plans to bring on line about 10,000 megawatts of new
coal-fired capacity by 1995.
185
--------· ------····--~-·-·····------~----·-··----~---·~
Increased coal use in the Pacific Rim region also. implies that
other major coal importing countries - -Korea, Taiwan, and Hong
Kong - -will nearly double their coal-fired generating capaci-
ties. No other nations are likely to become big importers.
The greatest uncertainty in Pacific Rim demand for coal trade
is the level of domestic coal production in Japan. Currently,
Japan mines about 20 million tons, two thirds of which is sold as
steam coal. Coal production is heavily subsidized as average
costs are nearly double that of imports. The Japanese government
and the industry are now negotiating the production levels and
subsidies for the next five year plan which begins in 1987.
Should the government decide to phase out its subsidies to the
domestic industry, coal imports would rise accordingly.
Some Japanese officials argue that Japan should quickly phase out
its domestic production not only because of high costs, but also
for humanitarian reasons as mining conditions in Japan are very
difficult and extremely hazardous. Their argument has become
strengthened as several recent disasters have resulted in the
deaths of many miners.
These same arguments have been made for phasing out Taiwan's
domestic coal industry. A reduction in Taiwan's two million
tons of steam coal production, however, would have a much smaller
impact on seaborne trade.
FUTURE COAL SUPPLIES
As depicted in Figure 9, South Africa is projected to be the
number one supplier in 1995 with 60 million tons - -just ahead
of Australia's 57 million tons. The u.s remains in third place
with 27 million tons, which is only a small increase above its
current export volume. Colombia is close behind with 24 million
tons, most of which will come from El Cerrejon North mine.
Poland goes from 15 to 22 million tons in the next 10 years.
Canada has a modest growth to 15 million tons. China reaches 11
million tons, and the USSR exports 4 million tons.
Current market conditions suggest that this forecast may need
some adjustments. Australia's exports are probably understated
while South Africa's are overstated, but the combined total
for the two countries appears reasonable. Colombia's exports are
well within reason, as are Canada's. Poland is not expected
to increase its exports over the current level. China's 11
million tons may be too optimistic.
The forecast for the u.s. appears reasonable considering its
swing supplier role. However, it is also possible for the
186
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u.s. to acquire a much larger base volume market share if
Alaska makes a significant contribution. Assuming that the
-----------·--·~---··--·-·-
other suppliers' shortfalls are within the proportions mentioned,
it is within reason that the U.S. could capture an additional 15
to 20 million tons of steam coal exports by 1995.
In the 1995 forecast for the European market, Figure 10, the
relative ranking of the major suppliers does not change from 1985
except for the introduction of Colombia, which is projected to
become the fourth largest supplier. As discussed earlier,
Poland's contribution is probably overstated and the u.s. share
understated. Even though many factors can affect the relative
competitiveness between potential suppliers, the market shares
shown in Figure 10 appear to be reasonable unless coal exports
are disrupted for a significant period of time. Two suppliers
that appear most vulnerable to supply interruptions are Poland
and South Africa.
In the Pacific Rim markets, Figure 11, there are no changes among
suppliers that are not evident from the evolving supply pattern
of the past several years. As mentioned previously, exports
from China may be overstated which creates an opportunity for
greater U.S. exports.
PROSPECTIVE U.S. ROLE
Prospects for U.S. seaborne steam coal exports will be determined
largely by the competitiveness of U.S. coal in the two major
importing regions. The main factors that determine market share
for the u.s., as well as all other major exporting countries, can
be summarized in this way:
o Relative break-even costs and profit margins;
o Reliability and productivity of the work force and
export infrastructure;
o Capability of meeting quality specifications; and
o Degree of government support, agreements, controls and
impediments.
Each of these factors requires a detailed country by country
analysis to determine its relative importance to the delivered
costs in specific markets served by each exporter. In this
paper only one factor is discussed - -the role of governments.
It is one factor that can change in the short-term and signifi-
cantly alter world steam coal trade patterns. Government
187
~~-------------------------~----·----~
intervention in world coal trade is not healthy for long-term
growth. The possible consequences of direct government inter-
ventions are feared by some exporters more than any other factor.
Changes in current environmental regulations on coal burning,
either by air quality standards or emissions controls, will
certainly affect the choice of suppliers to some extent. Current
standards and present technologies do not preclude the purchases
of a wide range of coals. Unless environmental requirements
become more restrictive, current exporters will not be differen-
tially disadvantaged to any significant extent.
One type of government intervention becoming more commonly
used is the insistence of some importing countries to import coal
only on a countertrade basis. Countertrade clearly distorts the
market economics and has the undesirable effect of tying growth
in the use of coal to other national goals.
Recently, several importing countries have announced government
to government agreements that include commitments to purchase
specified amounts of steam coal. Extensive use of bilateral
agreements involving market set-asides will severely distort
world trade in steam coal.
Another concern is producer/consumer organizations which have
been proposed at various times. A recent effort by Japan's
Ministry of International Trade and Industry, MITI, to promote a
"Pan Pacific Coal Cooperation" plan has generated concerns within
the coal industries of several countries exporting coal to
Japan. Their concerns are that government decisions would
infringe on or replace market forces and affect commercial trade
in coal.
It should be noted that the u.s. government strongly opposes
market interventions by multilateral producer/consumer organiza-
tions on energy demand, supply, investment and prices. The u.s.
government believes that these issues are best left to the
private sector.
~These examples illustrate that governments can and do exercise
significant control over world coal trade. If world coal trade
becomes over-politicized there will be substantial trade distor-
tions and trade in steam coal may be constrained.
If, on the other hand there is an open, market-oriented steam
coal trade, the u.s. is ideally positioned to become a major
participant in world steam coal trade. The u.s. has enormous
reserves of a quality unmatched anywhere in the world; a domestic
market that is open and fiercly competitive; and an exporting
industry that has demonstrated to be a stable and reliable
supplier.
188
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EXPORTERS
Australia
Canada
Colombia
EEC [a]
Poland
PRC
south Africa
united States
USSR
Other
Total
YEAR
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
TABLE 1
SEABORNE BITUMINOUS STEAM COAL TRADE
HISTORICAL AND FORECAST
(million short tons)
IMPORTERS
WESTERN EUROPE PACIFIC RIM
2.6 0.4
3.6 5.1
12.5 27.4
10.0 30.0
15.0 40.0
0.9 0.1
0.7 0.5
1.3 2.8
2.0 5.0
3.0 10.0
OTHER TOTAL
0.2 3.2
1.1 9.8
1.0 40.9
2.0 42.0
2.0 57.0
0.0 1.0
0.0 1.2
0.6 4.1
3.0 10.0
2.0 15.0
------------------------------------------------------------------------1975 0.0 o.o 0.0 o.o
1980 o.o o.o o.o o.o
1985 0.4 0.0 1.5 1.9
1990 10.0 1.0 6.0 17.0
1995 15.0 2.0 7.0 24.0
------------------------------------------------------------------------1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2.5
0.5
0.1
3.0
3.0
14.3
14.0
15.3
22.0
22.0
o.o o.o
0.0 o.o
1.0
1.8
23.5
24.2
30.0
40.0
0.2
0.0 o.o
0.0 o.o
0.0 o.o
0.0 o.o o.o
0.5
0.7
1.5
6.0
9.0
0.1
3.7
13.6
15.0
15.0
0.1
0.4
0.1 o.o
0.0
0.3
0.7
0.1 o.o
0.0
0.4
0.4
0.4 o.o
1.0
0.7 o.o
2.2
2.0
5.0
2.8
0.9
0.2
3.0
3.0
14.6
14.7
15.4
22.0
22.0
0.9
1.1
1.9
6.0
11.0
2.6
27.2
40.0
47.0
60.0 ------------------------------------------------------------------------1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
6.4
13.6
15.8
15.0
17.0
3.6
2.8
2.0
3.0
2.0
0.8
4.8
4.0
3.0
4.0
o.o
1.5
3.2
3.0
7.0
0.2
0.2
1.0
2.0
2.0
0.5
2.2
1.7
2.0
5.0
0.1
0.9
2.7
3.0
3.0
o.o o.o
0.2
0.0
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.4 o.o
1.0
6.5
16.0
21.7
21.0
27.0
3.8
3.0
3.2
5.0
4.0
1.5
7.4
6.1
5.0
10.0
------------------------------------------------------------------------1975 32.9 2.0 2.0 36.9
1980 63.5 13.9 3.9 81.3
1985 75.6 51.2 9.2 136.0
1990 98.0 64.0 16.0 178.0
1995 122.0 90.0 21.0 233.0
[a] Excludes intra-EEC Trade
Note: Historical data compiled from numerous sources.
Forecast data are midrange estimates compiled from various projections.
189
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------
[
TABLE 2 r
SEABORNE BITUMINOUS STEAM COAL TRADE
FOR YEARS 1980 THROUGH 1985 -----------------------------------~~~==~~~-~~~~~-:~~~: ______________________________________ ~
IMPORTERS "
--------------------~---------------------------------------------:::~~=~~~---------=~~-----~~~=~~~-~~~~:~----:~::::=-~=~-----------~=~~~-------------=~=~~---~ Australia 1980 3.6 4.0 2.2 9.8
1981 4.1 6.3 0.8 11.2
1982 4.3 8.4 1.3 14.0
1983 5.9 10.0 4.4 20.3
1984 9.5 14.3 8.2 32.0
1985 12.5 17.4 11.0 40.9
Canada 1980 0.7 0.5 0.0 1.2
1981 0.9 1.3 0.0 2.2
1982 0.8 1.5 0.9 3.2
1983 0.9 1.5 0.2 2.6
1984 1.0 2.3 1.0 4.3
1985 1.3 2.8 0.6 4.7
------------------------------------------------------------------------Colombia 1980 o.o o.o o.o 0.0
1981 o.o o.o 0.0 0.0
1982 o.o 0.0 0.0 o.o
1983 0.1 o.o 0.2 0.3
1984 0.1 o.o 1.1 1.2
1985 0.4 0.0 1.5 1.9
EEC [a) 1980 0.5 0 .o 0.4 0.9
1981 0.5 o.o 0.6 1.1
1982 0.5 0.0 0.4 0.9
1983 0.4 0.0 0.2 0.6
1984 0.2 0.0 0.1 0.3
1985 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.2
Poland 1980 14.0 0.0 0.7 14.7
1981 4.4 0.0 o.o 4.4
1982 9.7 0.0 o.o 9.7
1983 11.4 0.0 0.0 11.4
1984 18.5 o.o 0.5 19.0
1985 15.5 0.0 0.1 15.6
PRC 1980 o.o 0.7 0.4 1.1
1981 0.2 2.3 0.0 2.5
1982 0.0 3.3 0.0 3.3
1983 o.o 4.1 0.0 4.1
1984 o.o 2.5 o.o 2.5
1985 0.0 1.5 0.4 1.9
South Africa 1980 23.5 3.7 o.o 27.2
1981 23.1 4.9 0.0 28.0
1982 18.9 6.9 0.0 25.8
1983 19.0 9.9 0.0 28.9
1984 24.3 12.4 0.0 36.7
1985 24.2 13.6 2.2 40.0
united States 1980 13.6 1.5 0.9 16.0
1981 25.9 6.1 0.9 32.9
1982 21.7 5.4 0.2 27.3
1983 13.2 3.9 0.0 17.1
1984 7.6 3.9 0.2 11.7
1985 15.8 3.2 2.7 21.7
USSR 1980 2.8 0.2 0.0 3.0
1981 1.7 0.3 0.0 2.0
1982 1.5 0.2 o.o 1.7
1983 1.8 0.6 o.o 2.4
1984 1.8 o.8 o.o 2 .6
1985 2.0 1.0 0.2 3.2
Other 1980 0.3 1.1 4.2 5.6
1981 5.2 1.6 1.3 8.1
1982 5.0 2.4 3.0 10 .4
1983 6.5 1.0 0.9 8.4
1984 5.7 1.2 2.0 8.9
1985 3.0 1.1 1.9 6.0
Total 1980 59.0 11.7 8.8 79.5
1981 63.5 22.8 3.6 89.9
1982 75.6 28.1 5.8 109.5
1983 59.2 31.0 5.9 96.1
1984 68.7 37.4 13.1 119.2
1985 74.8 40.6 20.7 136.1
[a) Excludes intra-EEC Trade
Note: Estimates developed from Coal Exporters Association data.
Permission to use is gratefully acknowledged.
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FIGURE 1
SEABORNE STEAf'vl/ COAL DEM,D.,ND
FOR YEARS 1970-1985
140 ~
130
120 -i ·!
110 ~
100 ~
(/) I z !
0 90....;
f-I
f-801 0:::
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EUROPE PACIFIC RIM OTHER TOTAL
MARKETS !ZZl 1970 cs::sJ 1 975 I22Z3 1 980 ~ 1985
FIGURE 2
ACTUAL lNCREA.SE AND PFRCEf\.JT CHANGF
BITUMINOUS SEABORNE COAL TRADE, 1980-85
25 -
b r//1
20 ~/;:1 ' ~/ / ' ~ ~-'01
~ 10.~ ~ '/ ~
_J ~ •• _ • r / ............ 1 <t: , r/ ,'l ::J •. v . . ....j ~ 5 /_/. .28 ~>~\
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1 980 1 981 1 982 1 983
LEGEND
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V /A'·~ v::./ + ·,'-.I ' / .,./i" '
' -------~--
1984 1985
!ZZJ PERCENT CHANGE l:s:::S] MILLION TONS
191
-----~---~ -~-----------------·---------· -··---------------------------------~ --------------~--------------------
(/) z
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FIGURE 3
St_ABORNE STFAM CO.AL TRENDS
80r·
70
I
60
50
40
30
20
10
BY REGION, FOR YEARS 1 980 -1985
------------------,
I
I
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0 [ / I '>. I// 4" \I X l)O(xJ r / ! , v Uf"\"1 X JXXX! • . ' t I '\ T//4''><r X Tx'XXJ
EUROPE
!:Z2J 80 !:S::Sl 81
PACIFIC RIM
MARKETS fZ22d 82 §SSJ 8 3
FIGURE 4
OTHER
IZ:Zl 84 ~ 85
TOP SFABORNI-STt_,A,M COAL EXPORTERS
TOP FIVE BY RANK. 1 975-1 980-1985 45r
40
-~
I
351
I
30 l
i
25 ~
I 20t
OL
15 t:1.
1o tJus
5 '~ ~ L 0
1975 1980 1985
192
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----·----~-------~----------------------------
FIGURE 5
EUROPEAN STEAM COAL SUPPLIERS
TRENDS FOR YEARS 1980 -1985
26 ~--------------------------------~~----------------------~
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
Q I/ I '\ C/<1''\l <" I)N"' I/ I '\ Vt;>'>J A DC>0 I/ I '\ V1'J,] .6 1)0(] I./ I '\ C/<1),'\1 A ryy't
POLAND AUSTRALIA u.s. SOUTH AFRICA
EXPORTING COUNTRIES 1ZZ1 8o rs:::s! 81 ~ 82 ~ 83 IZZl 84 ~ 85
FIGURE 6
PACIFIC RIM STEAM COAL SUPPLIERS
TRENDS FOR YEARS 1980 -1985 18~----------~~~~~~~--------------------~
17
16
15
~; ~
~~ ~ 10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
~~~~~
AUSTRALIA CANADA UNITED STATES SOUTH AFRICA
EXPORTING COUNTRIES 1ZZ1 8o rs:::s! 81 ~ 82 ~ 83 IZZl 84 ~ 85
193
[
FIGURE 7
r~
SEABORNE STEAM COAL TRADE FORECAS1
240 [
220
200
180
(/) z 160
~
li:
0 :z:
(/)
z
0
3
~
20
Q I / I > I 1 C\J>I X I c:r==i ' I 1 I>).>' X I r=c=.f ), I 1 I'\'\ >I X I ! / I '\, I 1 !\'\ "-J X !
EUROPE PACIFIC RIM OTHER TOTAL
MARKETS !ZZI 1975 rs:sJ 1 985 ~ 1 990 lZ:ZI 1995
FIGURE 8
INCREASE IN COAL TRADE
100
1975/1985 ACTUAL AND 1 985/1 995 FORECAST
90
80
(/) 70
z
~ 60
f-
0:::
0 :z: 50
(/)
z
0 40
:::1
__J
~ 30
20
10
0
EUROPE PACIFIC RIM OTHER TOTAL
MARKETS !ZZI 1975-1985 ISS! 1985-1995
194
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FIGURE 9
SEABORNE COAL SUPPLIERS
ACTUAL AND FORECAST .I
I 60 I ~ ~~ 1 ~ ~-I so-j ~ ~ I
I ~ ~~ I I . , ''' w;;a ! Vl 40' '
i5 : ' ~ I "'~. ~~ 'f 30 l . "~~~~:a w~ ~ I ,,~/ ~.
Q ' ' !?[,;~. _J 20 -t '~ ~/--/~ --' I • ., r.{/h
" I ~ ~
~~-COLOMBIA
(/) z
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AUSTRALIA
iSS] 1 9 8 5 iZZJ 1975
SEA,BORNE COAL SUPPLIERS
ACTUAL AND FORECAST
------
Q I</ I "\1 ).V////) rz=z=J "\1 "\V///,:J o=z-1 "\1 '\V////] j~· /1 '\,'>.V///4
POLAND CANADA CHINA (PRC) USSR
iZZJ 1975 cs:::sJ 1985 t22Zl 1995
195
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FIGURE 10
EUROPEAN STEAM COAL MARKET
TRENDS, ACTUAL AND FORECAST, 1 975-1995 40~------------------~~~==~~:~~~
35 ~ ._,..,....,....,
30 J
25 ~
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CANADA AUSTRALIA COLOMBIA U.S. POLAND SOUTH AFRICA
EXPORTING COUNTRIES l2:ZI 1975 lSSI 1985 ~ 1995
FIGURE 11
PACIFIC Rl~1 STEAM COAL ~v1ARKET
TRENDS, ACTUAL AND FORECAST, 1975-1995 40 ~-----------------------------------------------------~~
35
3o l
25l
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15 ~
10 ~
5~
0 I I } 1///1 I y j///1 r::z-:1 ") 1//<] I I J// 0 I ) 1//4 r=:r=1 ) !//(!
U.S.S.R. u.s. P.R.C. CANADA S.A. AUSTRALIA
EXPORTING COUNTRIES I2:ZI 1 975 lSSI 1 985 l2Z:2 1 995
l.Qfi
-----
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BRITISH COLUMBIA MINISTRY OF ENERGY, MINES
AND PETROLEUM RESOURCES
BUILDING RESOURCE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS
PRESENTED TO THE RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL
FOR ALASKA
SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON
"ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
LORNE E. SIVERTSON
ASSISTANT DEPUTY MINISTER
MINERAL RESOURCES DIVISION
FEBRUARY 13, 1986
ANCHORAGE, ALASKA
197
INTRODUCTION
Thank you. I am pleased to be here today to speak at the
Sixth Annual Conference on Alaska's Resources.
The subject which I have been asked to address today is
Building Resource Transportation Systems, a subject I
believe to be of vital importance to Alaska and the
Province I come from, British Columbia.
My experience in this area has been gained through work
for industry and government in Canada, the USA and Europe.
I propose, however, to confine my comments to resource
transportation development in British Columbia.
I hope that what I have to say will be informative and
perhaps of some use to Alaska as it grapples with the
problems of resource and transportation development.
I will be making perhaps ·an obvious point here that the
two types of development are commonly related.
A British Columbia Profile
Before proceeding much further, I think it may be worth
briefly describing for you some of the key characteristics
of my Province, as they are germane to the subject.
History
British Columbia was explored first in the 1770's by the
Spanish, with Vancouver Island becoming a British Crown
Colony in 1849.
The discovery of gold on the Fraser River in 1858
attracted thousands of people into what is now British
Columbia, with the new colony of British Columbia being
created in 1866, which included Vancouver Island and the
mainland.
British Columbia became a part of Canada in 1871 on the
strength of a promise that a transcontinental railroad
would connect it to the eastern provinces.
The railroad was completed in 1886, allowing forest,
mineral, and agricultural products to be shipped east,
with manufactured goods and settlers transported on the
return haul.
198
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The Economy
British Columbia is a large province, having a land area
of almost 1 million SQUare kilometers, almost 25% larger
than the size of California, Oregon and Washington
combined.
The population is 2.7 million, with 70% living in metro-
politan areas in the extreme southwest.
Energy, forest products and mining are major indust.ries,
with mineral output reaching $3.5 billion in 1985.
At 23 million tons of coal exports and 300 thousand tons
of copper concentrate exports, B.C. is the third largest
coal exporter in the non-communist world and the largest
exporter of copper concentrates.
It is also a major producer and exporter of pulp, paper,
lumber and sulphur.
Due to the vast size, difficult physical geography and
widely dispersed mining and forest industries, an
extensive and efficient transportation system is a
fundamental reQuirement of the B.C. economy.
B.C.'s Resource Transportation System
British Columbia is served by two national railways as
well as the British Columbia Railway.
The B.C. railway was recently upgraded at a cost of about
$500 million to provide transportation for a major new
coal development in northeast B.C., about which I will say
more later.
Both the Canadian Pacific and Canadian National railways
are in the process of double-tracking and upgrading their
mainlines which will cost $5.4 billion over the decade for
the B.C. portions alone, and will allow the railroads to
meet their forecasts of shipping reQuirements for bulk
commodities.
B.C. has two major ocean shipping ports --one at
Vancouver and the other at Prince Rupert, near the
southern tip of the Alaska panhandle.
These ports load over 60 million tons per year of bulk
cargo.
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The coal loading facilities at these ports are the newest
and among the most efficient i~ the world and can [
accommodate ships of up to 250,000 dwt. -•
B.C. has an extensive highway system, and one which is J~
expensive because of the difficult topography. There are L"
about 52,000 kilometers of provincial roads.
The Province also has major oil and natural gas pipeline [
systems stretching from the border with the Northwest ~
Territories to Vancouver and the US border, for supplying
natural gas to the Pacific Northwest and California. [
Transportation Policy in B.C.
While the government of British Columbia has built or
helped to build an extensive and efficient transportation
system to move resource products to market, provincial
policy has required that there must be a clear economic
justification before transportation infrastructure
investments will be made.
When new roads, rail branchlines, townsites and power
supplies are required to facilitate natural resource
development projects, the Province looks carefully at the
bottom line before becoming involved financially.
Important considerations are (in no particular order):
net public benefits as measured by incremental income
and tax revenues from the project relative to the cost
of infrastructure
multiple use opportunities
ability to pay and re-pay costs
project feasibility
environmental impacts and costs
regional develapment implications
In the same way that the Province promotes efficient and
productive investments in infrastructure, it generally
promotes cost-based user charges when possible for
infrastructure services.
In the last few years, for example,the railroads in
Canada, with the urging of B.C., have moved away from rail
rates that had subsidized the shipment of western grain
for 75 years to "compensatory" or cost-based rates for all
commodities.
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In B.C. and in Canada_as a whole, we do not have
legislation similar to your country's Jones Act. _Shippers
are free to choose charters offering the lowest rates to
transport their commodities.
Recent Applications of Infrastructure Policy
With this brief outline of provincial transportation
infrastructure policy, I would like now to spend a few
minutes describing specific applications of this policy as
it relates to three new mining developments with which I
have been deeply involved.
Northeast B.C. Coal Development
The first project is the North East B.C. Coal Development.
After a number of years of analysis and planning in
government for the project, the Province of B.C. agreed
with the owners of the two mines in 1981 to provide the
coordination and financial assistance-to build the
necessary roads, power line, townsite, rail branchline
and port.
This was done on the basis of a comprehensive agreement
between the Province, the mines, the federal government,
two railroads, the port developer and a power utility.
This project involved the development of two coal mines
with a combined capacity of about 8.5 million tons.
The project cost, including infrastructure, which was
about one third of the amount, was $2.9 billion.
The project employed a labour force at the peak of 6200.
-The project was completed and the mines commenced
production and shipments of coal to Japan at the end of
1983.
Included in the provisions of the agreement were two
levels of surcharge imposed by the Province designed to
help amortize its infrastructure investment as well as
cost-based user charges for facilities provided by the
railroads, port, utility etc.
201
------------------------~-------------
Serem Gold Project
The second project I wish to describe briefly is a
proposed gold_mining project in a very remote area of
northern B.C., with a great precious metal resource
potential.
Serem Inc., the project developer, early in 1985 requested
assistance to build a 130 kilometer road extension to
their gold discovery.
After careful assessments of the company's feasibility
studies and cost-shared engineering and environmental
studies for the road, and in view of the potential for
stimulating a number of other mines in the area, the
Province offered to provide up to 50% of the capital costs
for the road, secured by a legally binding contract which
includes a provision for the repayment of the loan.
If the price of gold fails to rise to a specified level,
indexed for price inflation, after the mine comes into·
production in 1988, the Province will not be re-paid.
However, if the price of gold exceeds a specified
"trigger" price, payments will be due with interest.
A second trigger is included in the agreement at even
higher gold prices to pay back the loan twice as fast.
In recognition of multiple use benefits, if major new
mines are developed in the area which make use of the
road, the outstanding balance of the loan will be
forgiven.
Mount Klappan Anthracite Coal Project
At about the same latitude as Wrangell Alaska but a few
hundred miles east in B.C. is one of the largest
anthracite coal deposits in the world.
The indicated resource potential is perhaps 3-4 billion
tons of high quality anthracite coal; anthracite being a
source of almost pure carbon for thermal and metallurgical
purposes.
Gulf Resources have been exploring this coal deposit for
several years and have been sharing the costs with the
Province for infrastructure planning and environmental
studies.
202
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We are spendtng $1 million with the company this year on _
such studies, for a new port development at Stewart, B.C.,
on road routes to connect the mine to existing highways
and on power options --a hydro-electric transmission line
versus on-site thermal-electric power.
We expect a project investment decision in September of
this year, with construction possibly commencing fall,
1986.
The total project cost would be about $600 million.
While no decision has been taken by the Province on the
nature and extent of assistance to build the needed
infrastructure, help could be provided on the basis of a
firm production commitment by the company, compliance with
regulatory requirements and consistency with our policy
guidelines for such support.
Public Policy Implications for Alaska
I have attempted here to briefly describe the resource
base nature of the B.C. economy, the challenges of
building transportation and other infrastructure in a
vast, mountainous and sparcely populated region, and I
have attempted to describe the current transportation
systems we have in place to facilitate resource
development.
I have attempted as well to explain principles that are
followed in making infrastructure investment decisions in
British Columbia.
From a public policy perspective for Alaska, I believe
there are several points worth considering:
1. First, to the extent that economic growth is lead by
the resource sectors, there will be an on-going need
to develop new and more efficient, cost-competitive
transportation systems.
2. Second, there are compelling reasons for a government
role in planning, coordinating and possibly partici-
pating in these investments because of the public
goods nature of transportation infrastructure --that
is, if it is built for one user, many more can use it
at no, or little increase in initial cost --because
of the high cost of such investment and because of
regional and environmental impacts of such
investments.
203
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3. Third, while many proposals may be advanced for -
government infrastructure support, such help should [
only be contemplated where there are demonstrable net "
benefits --income gains to the state or province.
Support should not exhaust benefits, otherwise it is [
simply an income transfer from one group (the public) .
to another (the developer).
4. Finally, while governments may need to be involved in [
developing transportation infrastructure, this need -
not preclude the recovery of investment through user [
charges or repayments in installments. In this way ·
government helps overcome capital cost barriers, -~
shares risk and reward.
CONCLUSION
On that note I would like to conclude this talk and to
thank you for your kind attention.
I hope what I have said has been of interest and of some
value to you.
THANK YOU
* * * * * * * *
204
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·-------~~------------·--------·--
EFFEGrS OF GOVERNMENT
DECISIONS AND REGULATIONS
ON INDUSTRY COMPETITIVENESS
By
Dr. L. Daniel Maxim
President
Everest Consulting Associates, Inc.
15 N. Main Street
Cranbury, NJ 08512
Presented to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc. _
Sixth International Conference on Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUGriON:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
AND
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
205
~-~---~------~-~-----~-~-~ -~~------------------
Introduction
Thank you for the opportunity to speak before this distinguisheq
audience. The overall topic of the effects of-government decisions and regu-
lations on industry competitiveness is broad indeed. Any reasonably complete
discussion of this topic would monopolize the entire conference. Therefore,
the focus of this paper is narrowed to cover environmental legislation and
regulation --and the resulting impacts on the competitiveness of the minerals
industry. This emphasis arises, in part, because government actions in this
arena have had significant and adverse consequences for the minerals industry
and also because our firm has been both witness to and an active participant
in the analysis of some of the major environmental policy impacts on the
minerals sector.
This paper is organized as follows. First, a brief review of salient
economic statistics relative to overall U.S. industrial competitiveness is
presented. The relevant data show that although the United States is among
the most productive of the major world economies, our competitive edge is
indeed being narrowed. Next, some brief asides are ventured relative to
claims of the "deindustrialization" of America. The more extreme of these
claims are shown to be without merit, but there are clear imperatives to
action nonetheless. In particular, certain resource-based industries face
significant challenges to survival. Unless these challenges can be met, we
face a continual erosion of the international competitiveness of our minerals
industries. This would be particularly unfortunate for Alaska --a state with
substantial, yet undeveloped, natural resources.
Government policies that can help/hinder our struggle for increased com-
petitiveness are identified, and some salient aspects of environmental policy
are examined. It is argued that a reexamination of our approach to environ-
mental decision-making is appropriate. Five specific areas for improvement
are suggested. These problem areas include:
(i) the need to consider the effects of international competitive-
ness in making environmental decisions,
(ii) the need for regulatory stability,
(iii) the need to reduce uncertainty over environmental decision-
making,
(iv) the need to increase the consistency of environmental
decision-making, _an~
(v) the need to devise effective alternatives to the adversary
process for resolving environmental disputes.
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Background
America's industrial competitiveness is a timely and important theme for
this conference and is likely to emerge as one of the key public policy issues
for the remainder of this century.
The competitiveness "problem" is also highly controversial. Economists
are not sure exactly how competitiveness should be measured, observer~ are
divided on whether the situation is improving ("creative revitalization" ) or
getting worse ("A nation of hamburger stands" is a critical metaphor to
describe the employment shifts away from manufacturing industries and towards
the services sector), and _political leaders are2 unsure what policy initia-
tives, if any, are required to improve matters. Some politicians advocate
the development of an "industrial policy," much like that in Japan, to stimu-
late the growth of America's competitiveness. Others claim that entrepreneurs
and free market forces will make the necessary adjustments if only government
can be "kept off our backs." In short, the question of competitiveness is
ill-defined, and "answers" or policy responses are highly politicized. None-
theless, most observers share a common perception that maintaining our com-
petitive edge is important to America's long-term economic prosperity --and
many fear that this competitiveness is eroding.
Pertinent General Remarks Relative to Competitiveness
In their recent report,3 the President's Commission on Industrial Com-
petitiveness argued that no single measure or economic statistic could be used
to characterize the competitiveness of an economy. Rather, a series of
1Kahn, H., The .coming Boom, Economic Political, and Social, Simon & Schuster,
1982.
2For popularized versions of this idea, see the following:
Bowen, W. , "How to Regain the Competitive Edge," Fortune, March 9 , 1981 , pp.
74 et~
Cook, J., "The Molting of America," Forbes, November 22, 1982, pp. 161-167.
Barnett, D. L., "Rebuilding America, It Will Cost Trillions," U.S. News &
World Report, September 22, 1980, pp. 56-60.
Taylor, A., "Curing Ailing Industries," Time, July 14, 1980, pp. 42-43.
Nickel, H., "The U.S. Needs An Industrial Policy; Interview with Frank Weil,"
Fortune, March 24, 1980, pp. 149 et ~·
"Lets Rebuild America," Nations Business, May 1981, pp. 70-71.
Brockway, G.P., "The Dismal Science: America's Setting Sun," The New Leader,
June 14, 1982, pp. 8-9.
Mass, N. J., and P. M. Senge, "Reindustrialization, Aiming for the Right
Targets," Technology Review, August-september 1981, pp. 56 et ~·
"The Reindustrialization of America," Business Week, Special Issue, June 30,
1980, pp. 58 et ~
3alobal Com etition The New Realit TheRe ort of the President's Commission
on Industrial Competitiveness, January 19 5, Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., pp. 1-56.
207
statistics were deemed necessary to measure the important dimensions of the
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international competitiveness. The Presidential panel selected four key [
indicators and argued that: .
(i) The United States remains among the most productive of the
world's major economies, as measured by lev~ls of real gross
domestic product (GDP) per employed person. However, the
differences in real GDP per employed person between the United
States and other major industrialized nations have narrowed in
recent years. Figure 1, for example, shows the compound
average annual percentage change in real GDP per employed
person for selected countries between.1973 and 1983. The
figure for the United States is appreciably beneath the
European countries, let alone the newly industrializing
countries in the sample.
(ii) The competitiveness of the United States has been reflected in
rising real incomes. For example, with certain exceptions
(e.g., the Great Depression), the real hourly compensation of
U.S. workers has grown steadily (e.g., at a 2.6% annual rate
between 1963 and 1973) during this century. However, since
1973 real wages have not grown appreciably, a point made in
Figure 2.
(iii) Real returns on assets invested in the U.S. manufacturing base
have generally decreased since the mid-1960s --it is too
early to tell whether the recent economic recovery is "an
incident or a condition."
(iv) The U.S. trade balance has deteriorated sharply in recent
years, as has the U.S. share of world trade of manufactured
goods. Although the recent strength of the dollar was one
cause of this decline, this factor alone cannot explain these
trends.
All in all, these (and other) statistics indicate that the situation is not as
critical as the doomsayers would have us believe, but certainly does not
justify an attitude of complacency either. We may not yet be facing a crisis,
but a continuation of current trends would lead to a world economic order
quite different from that which we know today. We can no longer take it for
granted that our children will enjoy the highest standard of living among the
major industrialized countries.
4some oil-rich countries have GNP/capita values higher than the United States,
but this fact is not inconsistent with the above statement. In any event, the
prospects of lower petroleum prices may soon change this situation. It should
be noted that comparisons among countries depend upon the measure used for
comparison (the United States does not rank as highly if GDP/capita is used
rather than GDP/employed person) and the period chosen for comparison (e.g.,
as related to exchange rates). These differences, while perhaps important, do
not alter the general conclusion that the relative U.S. position is becoming
worse.
208
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[ FIGURE 1. AVERAGE ANNUAL CHANGES IN REAL GOP PER
[ EMPLOYED PERSON FOR SELECTED COUNTRIES BETWEEN
1973 AND 1983 POINTS TO A U.S. PROBLEM.
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COUNTRY
SOUTH KOREA 4.6
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JAPAN I 12.6
BRAZIL J2.S7
GER"ANY 12.3
FRANCE 12.2
MEXICO ,1. 7
UNITED KINGDOM 11.4
ITALY f1. 4
SIEDEN I 11.2
I I CANADA
UNITED STATES
0 1 2 3 4 5
AVERAGE ANNUAL I CHANGE IN REAL GOP PER IORKER
SOURCES a U.S. DEPT. OF LABOR, BLS, IORLD BANK
AND INTERNATIONAL HONETARY FUND, INTERNATIONAL
FINANCIAL STATISTICS.
209
\)
FIGURE 2. REAL HOURLY COMPENSATION IN BUSINESS
SECTOR HAS STAGNATED AFTER YEARS OF GROWTH--
EVIDENCE OF THE PRODUCTIVITY CHALLENGE.
REAL HOURLY COMPENSATION INDEX (1967=100)
110
100
90
eo
70
60
50--------~--------~------~--------~~----~
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985
YEARS
:; SOURCEa ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT 1985,
TABLE B-40.
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Manufacturing and Minerals Sectors
Competitiveness in the manufacturing sector has been a subject of intense
interest in the competitiveness debate. Exponents of the "deindustriali-
zation" hypothesis note that the U.S. share in world trade in manufactured
goods has generally declined since 1960 and moreover, that import penetration
ratios (imports/domestic production) for fo~ign manufactured goods have
increased for a majority of manufactured goods. More sanguine observers note
that the real GDP of all manufacturing sectors has maintained approxigetely a
constant proportional share, nearly 25%, of real GDP/GNP since 1950, hardly
evidence of rapid "deindustrialization." They concede that manufacturing
workers represent a declining proportion of the wage and salary workforce, as
illustrated in Figure 3, but argue that this is7largely the effect of improved
productivity and hence competitiveness gains. Further, the hypothesis is
ventured that increasing import penetration ratios arise from increased total
demand for manufactured goods by U.S. consumers and manufac~uring industries
rather than a sign of ill-health of the manufacturing sector.
Notwithstanding this ambiguity of evidence, there have been some clear
winners and losers within the manufacturing sector. Some industries in the
manufacturing sector (e.g., electrical machinegy, chemicals, and printing and
publishing) have posted large gains in output. But others, such as the non-
fuel minerals industries, have faced very difficult times, and words such as
5New York Stock Exchange, "U.S. International Competitiveness," 1977, cited in
Re ort of the President's Commission on Industrial Com eti ti veness, January
19 5, Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, D.C.
6From data contained in the Economic Report of the President, transmitted to
the Congress, February 1985, Table B-11, p. 245. See also, "U.S.
Manufacturing? It's Alive and Well," The Wall Street Journal, Monday, 23
December, 1985, Vol. CCVI, #123, Eastern Edition, p. 1.
7such gains in competitiveness are essential if these industries are to
survive, but still may involve significant dislocations. Unless the industry
in question can expand production at a sufficient rate, worker layoffs are the
inevitable result. New non-union firms with lower wage scales prosper at the
expense of their unionized counterparts, resulting in intense pressure for
"give-backs" or other concessions at unionized facilities. Average wage
levels decrease. This is exactly what is happening in the Pacific Northwest
timber_ industry, for example. For an interesting dis-cussion of--this
situation, see Nicholas D. Kristof, "Timber Towns Grow Silent," The New York
Times, Friday, January 17, 1985, pp. D1 and D11. In general, productivity and
competitiveness gains in mature industries (slow growth in demand) are a "good
news -bad news" situation.
8Bryan, M. F., "Is Manufacturing Disappearing?," Economic Commentary, Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland, 15 July 1985, p. 2. -
9Bryan, M. F., "Is Manufacturing Disappearing?," Economic Commentary, Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland, 15 July 1985, p. 3.
211
FIGURE 3. THE MANUFACTURING SECTOR HAS RETAINED
IT'S SHARE OF REAL GNP/GDP~ BUT MANUFACTURING
WORKERS' SHARE OF TOTAL EMPLOYMENT HAS DECREASED
SHARE OF REAL GNP OR TOTAL EMPLOYMENT
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HANU. WORKERS AS I
OF TOTAL I&S EHPL •
----..
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1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985
YEARS
N ~ SOURCE: ECONOHIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT 1985,
VARIOUS TABLES.
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"rationalization" "downsizing" and the "competitive core" have entered the
lexicon of executives in such basic industries as steel, copper, and other
non-ferrous metals.
Depressed cormnodi ties prices and other factors, such as aggressive and
partially-subsidized foreign competition, and U.S. government mandated ex-
penditures for environmental controls have forced plant closings, layoffs, and
mounting losses in place of accustomed profits.
The Alaskan Perspective
These latter developments should be of particular concern to Al~\~ka, a
state endowed with substantial and underdeveloped natural resources. I 1 m
sure that most of you in this audience are fully familiar with Alaska 1 s
resources from a state perspective. But, it is also important to consider the
role of Alaska's resources from a national perspective. Some of the richest
unexploi ted mineral deposits in the world can be found in Alaska and the
development of these resources could be an important factor in maintaining the
competitiveness of the mineral sector. As one example, U.S. zinc ore grades
have steadily declined in past years to levels of ~der 4%, compared to 6% to
9% in some of the major mine producing countries. The Red Dog zinc-lead-
silver-barite deposit in Alaska contains more than 17% zinc, and could ulti-
mately account for as much as one-third of U.S. mine production: exploitation
of this one deposit c9~ld reverse the downward trend in U.S. zinc grades!
Other examples include,
Alaska is the location of numerous "world class" mineral
deposits such as the Quartz Hill Molybdenum deposit being
developed by U.S. Borax.
The bulk of U.S. platinum production has come from Alaska.
The largest nickel reserve in the United States occurs in
Alaska.
Alaska may contain up to one-half of America's coal reserves
and one-fifth of the world coal resource base.
Alaska may contain over one-half of all oil and gas reserves
to be discovered in the United States.
10 useful profiles of Alaska's mineral industry and resources can be found in
Alaska's Mineral Industry 1984, available from the Alaska Division of Geo-
logical and Geophysical Surveys, Fairbanks, Alaska.
11 Mineral Facts & Problems 1980 Edition, U.S. Department of the Interior,
Bureau of Mines, p. 1025.
12 These are just some of the interesting minerals-related statistics to be
found in the Resource Development Council's International Conference on Coal,
Minerals, and Petroleum --Proceedig:;s, Anchorage, Alaska, February 16-17,
1983, see especially pp. viii, xi, 15 , 41, 88.
213
Few would dispute the assertion that Alaska's mineral resources could be
pivotal to the future competitiveness of America's mineral industry in the
future.
Competitiveness In the Mineral Sector is a Question of Relative Cost
Most fuel and non-fuel minerals, and some of their immediate derivatives
such as semi-fabricated metal shapes, are classed as commodities. For any
given product, prices throughout the world are in a delicate equilibrium,
differing among locations only as a result of transport costs, tariffs or
quota equivalents, and other trade barriers. The overall price level is
determined by the world-~~de balance between demand and supply, rather than by
any individual producer. In this setting, the measurement of competitive-
ness reduces to a matter of relative delivered cost. Low-cost producers
survive and prosper, while higher cost producers earn lower profits and may
ultimately be forced to close operations on an intermittent or permanent
basis.
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Costs, in tum, depend upon numerous physical, economic, and managerial [
factors. The cost structure of a mine, for example, depends upon the sir.4e and ~
quality of the ore body, location_, transportation costs to markets, ex-[
traction technology, labor and capital productivity, etc.
But competitiveness in the mineral sector also depends upon factors con-
trolled or influenced by government policy both here and abroad. Access to
government lands, environmental requirements, health and safety regulations,
tariffs and trade actions, the structure and technical provisions of tax laws,
etc. , are increasingly important in the delicate calculus of competitive-
ness. Table 1 provides a partial listing of the broad categories of govern-
ment actions relevant to the minerals industries together with some subjective
remarks relative to each. Although the list is incomplete, it gives some idea
of just how pervasive is the role of government with respect to these in-
dustries.
As stated earlier, an item-by-item discussion of all these dimensions of
government policy is not possible given time constraints; the focus of the
following discussion is on environmental laws and regulations. It should be
noted in passing, however, that U.S. Government policies towards the mineral
13cartels, such as OPEC, can manipulate prices to a degree, depending upon
their collective share of market, and demand and supply elasticities in the
short and long term. Most cartels (including OPEC) collapse ultimately,
however.
. 14Lack of infrastructure, high transportation costs, difficult working con-
ditions, and high labor costs have been obstacles facing minerals producers in
Alaska even though some of Alaska's mineral deposits are otherwise highly
attractive.
214
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·AREA
TAX POLICY
EXCHANGE
RATE
TRADE
AcriONS
PRICE
CONTROLS/
PRICE
SUPPORTS
GOVERNMENT
LOANS OR
GUARANTEES
STOCKPILES
AND THEIR
MANAGEMENT
GOVERNMENT
LAND POLICY
ENVIRON-
MENTAL LAWS
AND
REGULATIONS
ANTI-TRUST
RESEARCH
AND
DEVELOPMENT
TABLE 1.
FEDERAL ACTIONS THAT AFFECT INDUSTRY
HOW IMPLEMENTED
Investment tax credits, depreci-
ation schedules, depletion allow-
ances, etc.
Variety of mechanisms, interest
rates, etc.
Overall trade policy, quotas,
tariffs, and non-tariff barriers,
decisions on 11 201" and "301" cases.
Periodic controls on prices or
price support mechanisms.
Defense production and related
acts, investment insurance and
other activities (e.g., Chrysler
"bailout").
Purchases/sales to/from stockpiles
of strategic and critical
materials.
General Mining Law, Mineral
Leasing acts, special acts that
withdraw acreage.
Self-evident; major statutes in-
clude the Clean Air Act, Superfund
(CERCLA), RCRA, etc.
Actions of government in opposi-
tion to specific mergers, faced
divestitures, etc.
Sponsored research and development
and data-gathering by such
agencies as the Bureau of Mines
and Department of Energy.
REMARKS
Tax reform proposals would have gen-
erally unfavorable effects on the
minerals industry.
Dollar now beginning to fall from high
levels of recent past, but many U.S.
producers are still not competitive.
Mixed, from point of view of minerals
industry, e.g., recent decisions in
copper and steel industries.
Generally unfavorable compared to
other nations. In past 15 years,
there have been minerals price con-
trols in U.S. and sporadic price sup-
ports in several other countries.
More important in historical context
in United States. Other countries
generally more supportive.
Stockpile objectives have never been
clearly articulated --stockpile
management inconsistent and
politicized.
In recent years numerous laws have
combined to reduce sharply the avail-
able Federal lands for minerals
exploration and development •
Have added substantial costs to
certain sectors, e.g., non-ferrous
smelting, of the minerals industry.
Future costs associated with RCRA and
related laws could be major factor.
Currently less of an issue than in the
past, when several specific mergers
were opposed.
In recent years the Bureau of Mines
has been under intense budget
pressure.
215
-----·--~---~------·---~-------------
sector are not particularly favorable relative to those of our major fgter-
national competitors and, moreover, appear to be changing for the worse.
Environmental Policies
Although environmental sentiments have always been a part of our cultural
heritage, it was not until the 1970s that these were institutionalized in a
major way. -Several important pieces of legislation were enacted that dealt
with virtually all aspects of our quality of life and environment; clean air,
clean water, land laws, taxies, workplace safety, solid and hazardous wastes,
etc. In their wake came countless regulations necessary to translate Con-
gressional intent into practice.
Costs By One Definition
That thfge laws have improved the quality of our physical environment is
undeniable, but this progress has been costly --and in some ways that are
just now becoming evident. It has been particularly expensive for mining and
the "smokestack" manufacturing industries which have faced the greatest chal-
lenges to competitiveness in other respects. Table 2 shows one measure of
this cost, pollution control expenditures calculated as a percentage of total
capital spending over the period from 1970 to 1983, for several industrial
categories. Industries most affected (by this measure) include; non-ferrous
metals, pulp and paper, iron and steel, stone, clay, and related, electric
utilities, chemicals, petroleum, and mining.
In the United States copper industry, for example, it has been estimated
that environmental compliance costs are about 15 cents per pound for a
material that currently sells for 70 cents per pound. Obviously, such regu-
latory costs make it more difficult to c~pete --particularly against foreign
sources that are not similarly burdened.
15The relative attractiveness of U.S. policy towards the mineral sector com-
pared to other nations is complex and controversial. Nonetheless, our judg-
ment stands. For additional background, see "The International Competitive-
ness of the U.S. Non-Ferrous Smelting Industry and the Clean Air Act," April
1982, Everest Consulting Associates, Inc., Princeton, N.J., and CRU Con-
sultants, Inc., New York.
16For an interesting perspective on those who might argue otherwise, see J. L.
Simon, "Resources, Population, Environment: An Oversupply of False Bad News,"
Science, Vol. 208, 27 June 1980, pp. 1431 et ~
17Principal competitors for shares in the domestic copper market include
Canada, Chile, Peru, Mexico, Zaire, and Zambia. Environmental control
requirements are not absent in these countries, but are much less stringent
than in the United States. Recently the Canadian government has increased the
stringency of its air pollution control requirements, but has also made
government funds available to modernize the smelters.
216
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TABLE 2.
POLLUTION CONTROL EXPENDITURES AS A PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL CAPITAL SPENDING
1970-.1983
RANKED IN DESCENDING ORDER BY INDUSTRY OR INDUSTRY GROUP
Industry or Average
Industry Group 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 . 1982 1983 1970-83
Nonferrous Metals 8.1 10.2 15.3 18.0 28.3 27.6 20.4 29.1 12.0 7-6 7.9 6.7 8.1 8.9 14.9
Pulp & Paper 9-3 20.7 23-3 22.8 16.6 21.9 25.7 13.0 7.9 7-9 6.8 4.9 5~2 6.7 13.8
Iron & Steel 10.3 12.8 12.3 11.7 9-3 14.9 20.4 16.7 17.3 19.9 15.3 13.0 8.3 5.9 13.4
Stone, Clay, etc. 6.4 13.2 9.6 8.9 17.5 17.6 9.0 7-3 8.5 3.6 5.0 5.0 3.1 10.7 9.0
Elect. Utilities 3.8 4.4 7-9 7.6 7.1 9.1 9.2 10.6 8.7 10.6 9-3 10.0 8.6 10.4 8~4
Chemicals 4.9 8.2 10.9 10.2 7-3 8.9 12.3 10.5 7.7 6.9 7.6 6.7 7-2 4.9 8.2
Petroleum 6.0 9.0 10.7 12.7 7.2 12.8 7-5 8.3 5.4 7.1 4.2 5.1 4.8 5.9 7.6
Total Nondurables 5.2 7-3 9-2 9.8 8.5 10.3 10.2 8.7 6.1 6.1 4.9 4.8 5-7 5.1 7-3
All Manufacturing 5.1 6.8 7.6 8.5 8.5 9.6 9-3 7.9 5.9 5.5 4.5 4.1 4.1 4.2 6.5
Mining 5.3 2.8 5.1 7-7 7.0 8.2 6.9 17-5 10.7 1.5 1.4 5.9 3.6 0.6 6.0
Other Durables 9-3 6.4 4.8 6.5 9.0 7.5 6.2 5.0 5.1 6.2 4.9 6.8 3-7 2.1 6.0
Total Durables 5.0 6.3 6.0 7-5 8.4 8.8 8.3 7.1 5.6 5.0 4.1 3.5 2.6 3.1 5.8
Textiles 2.3 3.3 2.6 3-5 5.4 8.9 12.6 6.0 7.9 8.8 5.3 4.9 4.7 3-7 5.7
Fabricated Metals 4.1 7.1 7-3 7-2 5.6 10.8 11.2 5.8 5.2 3.8 3.4 1.9 1-7 3.8 5.6
Autos & Trucks 4.2 6.7 6.6 11.2 10.6 5.7 4.8 3.8 4.3 8.4 7-7 1.5 0.2 1.0 5.5
Food & Beverages 3.1 3.8 5.2 6.3 13.3 5.3 7-3 5.2 6.3 3-3 2.7 4.1 6.8 3.1 5.4
Rubber & Plastic . 5.4 5.4 5.8 6.2 3.0 4.8 5.7 11.8 5.7 6.2 2.9 3.6 4.5 0.9 5.1
Instruments 3-5 9.1 3.2 2.8 4.8 5.5 5.5 3.0 4.1 5.4 3.2 5.6 4.1 2.3 4.4
All Business '2.6 3.2 3.9 4.6 5.3 5.5 5-7 5.6 4.2 5.2 3.2 3.0 3-0 3.2 4.2
Aerospace 2.8 4.8 6.1 10.2 2.0 4.6 4.7 3.2 2.9 1.1 0.5 2.1 2.0 1.9 3.5
Non-Elect •. Mach. 3-5 3.4 3.8 4.2 4.1 2.3 4.1 6.6 3-9 2.2 1.-7 2.7 1.5 3.1 3.4
Other Nond~rables 5.5 1.0 5.0 3-l 2.2 1.3 2.2 5.1 3.0 2.6 2.8 0.9 5.5 4.5 3-2
All Non-Manufacturing 1.3 1.7 2.4 2.9 3.8 3-3 3-6 4.2 3-3 2.8 2.2 2.2 2.3 2.3 2.7
Elect. Mach. ,2.3 2.3 2.8 3-7 2.3 4.2 4.8 2.7 3.4 2.9 2.0 1.3 2.2 1.0 2.7
Airlines 0.7 0.7 2.4 9-3 9.2 1.4 1.8 1.7 1.0 2.7 1.9 o.o 3-5 0.2 2.6
Railroads 1.6 1.2 1.6 2.2 1.9 2.0 1.1 1.8 1.6 1.5 3-7 1.9 4.3 2.3 2.1
Gas Utili ties 4.4 2.0 1.6 1.5 2.2 1.3 3-5 3-7 1.4 0.6 o.o 0.0 0. 1 1.2 1.7
Communications o.o 0.0 1.2 2.0 4.8 1.4 1.5 1.9 1.0 0.9 0.2 0.4 0.5 0.6 1.2
Trade & Services 0.6 1.3 1.2 1.3 1.8 1.2 1.3 1.6 1.7 1.5 1.1 0.1 0.5 0.5 1 . 1
N
1-' Sources: Data taken from McGraw-Hill Economics, Annu_e.J__~ury~y~()LP9J]_utj_oi1_ Control Expenditures. -....!
As can be seen from Table 2, the proportion of capital expenditures allo-
cated to pollution controls is currently somewhat lower than during the years
of particularly heavy spending in the mid-70s. This reflects the schedule for
compliance and the success of many industries in achieving compliance. The
effects of solid waste legislation have yet to be felt --particularly in the
minerals .industries, however, and sharply increased environmental expenditures
may follow.
Initially, air and water pollution controls accounted for the largest
share of control expenditures. However, solid waste control costs are now
growing in importance, a point underscored by the data in Figure 4. Depending
upon the ultimate form of RCRA regulations, Superfund requirements, and EPA
actions on mine wastes, solid waste control costs could become dominant,
particularly for the minerals industry.
I recognize that some of you in this audience may feel that these expendi-
tures have been well justified and, indeed, that even more stringent require-
ments are appropriate. Others, particularly from those industries hardest hit
by environmental requirements, may view the situation quite differently.
Where we "draw the line" on environmental control is obviously a central
question. But it is also important to examine "how we draw the line" --the
process of standard setting. In this regard, I would like to discuss five
areas where failures of process are limiting the quality of our decisions and
perhaps needlessly hurting our competitiveness in global markets.
Incomplete Benefits Measures
Proponents of strict environmental laws point out that simply because
pollution controls cost money, and thus increase minerals production costs (as
determined by traditional accounting methods) does not mean that American
minerals producers will become less productive --in a conceptual sense --
after such costs ~e imposed, or that such controls are not justified in a
cost/benefit sense.1 ' 19 Nonetheless, environmental laws and regulations do
18Different groups may assign differing values to a cleaner environment,
however, and even if we use an improved economic framework for calculation,
controversy over environmental rules would not disappear.
19one of the conceptual problems involved in an examination of the effects of
environmental laws and regulations on America's competitiveness is that tra-
ditional engineering/economic/accounting methods do not enable non-market
goods, such as clean air, to be included in competitiveness, productivity, or
relative cost computations. As Lester Thurow in The Zero Sum Society, Penguin
Books, 1981, pp. 105-106, argues:
"A major part of the problem in the environmental area is that
we are not used to thinking of a clean environment as a normal
economic commodity. Environmental conditions have been excluded
from our traditional measures of economic output for two reasons.
Since they cannot be sold in private markets, it is difficult to
determine exactly what they are worth. And, in the past, they may
have had a zero price. If the water is clean, no one would be
218
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FIGURE 4. X OF MANUFACTURING'S TOTAL POLLUTION
CONTROL SPENDING BY TYPE OF POLLUTION SHOWS THE
GROWING IMPORTANCE OF SOLID WASTE EXPENDITURES. ·
X OF TOTAL POLLUTION·CONTROL SPENDING
100 f7777777777777X I D SOLID WASTE
CONTROLS
80
60
40
20
0
~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~1 ~~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 6 ~ ~·~·~·~·~·~·~·~·~·~·~~~~~~~
YEARS
~lATER POLLUTION
~CONTROLS
AIR POLLUTION
CONTROLS
~ SOURCEa HcGRAI-HJLL ECONOMICS--SURVEY OF
POLLUTION CONTROL EXPENDITURES--SOLID IASTE NOT
DISAGGREGATED PRIOR TO 1975.
I
act to increase production costs. Unless U.s. producers can compensate for
these cost increases, these firms will become less competitive, and minerals
production will shift to nations where a lower implicit value is placed upon a
clean environment. Because of this, environmental regulation can have the
paradoxical effect of increas~ rather than decreasing pollution --when
measured on a world-wide basis.
Problem #1: Failure to Ask the Right Question
Proponents of a cleaner environment argue that just as it is unfair to
characterize environmental control investments as "unproductive," it is wrong
to assume that no economic activity follows from these investments. After
all, people must design; manufacture, sell, and service pollution control
equipment and the revenues of these firms enters the national accounts. All
that happens, it is argued, is that environmental constraints will shift our
pattern of consumption towards more pollution control devices and less of
other goods. This argument is not without merit for many industries and
products, but neglects the international nature of the market place for com-
modities --particularly minerals. Foreign competitors are often willing to
make different societal tradeoffs from those that we have made in the United
States. When this happens, the effect of domestic environmental constraints
may be simply to shift the locus of production/jobs/industrial development, to
competitors with fewer environmental regulations. In other words, it may be
incorrect to calculate the increased costs of pollution controls and ask, for
example, whether we would mind paying Y cents more per pound of copper to
reduce sulfur dioxide emissions by X%. A more relevant question is whether we
are willing to s~ffer the loss of Z% of our copper industry for this environ-
mental benefit. Such questions apply particularly to any commodity
willing to pay for clean water --they already have it free. But
neither of these reasons alters the fact that clean water is an
economic good just as much as the private boat that sails upon it.
Given the · relative supplies and demands for a clean environment,
environmental goods now have a positive price. They are a part of
economic growth. They have not yet been included in our measures of
GNP, except on an experimental basis, but this reflects measurement
problems in calculating the GNP and not the economic merit of in-
cluding them."
20 This is certainly the case in copper smelting, for example. U.S. copper
smelters now capture more than 60% of input sulfur, on average, and by 1988
---this -f'igure-wi-1-1--ri-se--to-nearly-go:t-. ---rf u.s. control requirements-are made
more stringent, undoubtedly more domestic smelters will close, and other
countries will increase output to compensate. Principal suppliers of refined
copper to the United States and their average level of sulfur capture in 1983,
include Zambia (35%), Canada (26%), Mexico (15%), Chile (8.4%), Peru (3%), and
Zaire (3%). Any increase in copper production levels in these countries at
~he e~pense ?f U.S. copper production w~ll incr~ase global so2 emissi?ns. Nor
1s th1s-an 1solated example. For an 1nterest1ng parallel 1n the s1lverware
industry see Duane Chapman, "Global Pollution and International Trade,"
Cornell University Agricultural Economics Staff Paper 85-24, September 1985,
Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 14853.
220
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producing industry, where small net cost differences can dramatically affect
sourcing decisions and international competitiveness.
Framing the question correctly does not necessarily imply that we will
change our answer --environmentalism is a popular cause --but it might. In
any event, no useful purpose is served by answering t~e wrong question.
As a practical matter, this means that the government must consider ex-
plicitly the trade and competitiveness consequences of environmental legisla-
tion/regulation. Legislators and regulators cannot simply assume that the
effects of environmental regulation can be measured solely by the cost of
buying and operating pollution controls; this is particularly true with
respect to industries, such as minerals, subject to intense foreign competi-
tion. Global competition and the integration of the U.S. in a global economy
are today's realities --a point underscored by some of the indicators given
in Table 3. (Table 4 shows that it is not only legislators and environ-
mentalists that need to be reminded of the realities of global competition;
industrialists have been wrong in the past too!) I hasten to add that more
than simply awareness is at stake here. Improved economic supply/demand
models which incorporate the international nature of the marketplace need to
be developed and used. Some of the work done by the U.S. Department of
Commerce is encouraging in this regard, but more of this analysis needs to be
done.
Problem #2: Lack of Regulatory Stability
Although the data given in Table 2 may suggest that, in the aggregate,
environmental control expenditures are declining after the "bulge" of the 70s,
most minerals producers are facing ever more stringent environmental
standards. With respect to air pollution, for example, emission credits for
use of supplemental control systems were eliminated by the 1977 amendments,
stack height regulations have become more stringent, the list of "criteria"
pollutants may soon expand, and concern over acid rain or visibility impair-
ment may prompt more stringent so 2 or NOx emissions standards. Standards have
been and are getting tougher.
21 In principle, a "pollution equalization" tariff could be established that
would offset the cost advantage enjoyed by foreign competitors. Such tariffs
have been proposed by various members of Congress in the case of some primary
metals, for example. But these have not received any general support, run
counter to current U.S. trade policy, and would be difficult to implement in
practical terms. Pollution equalization tariffs are also subject to criticism
in a conceptual sense; where, after all, does the government's responsibility
to "level the playing field" begin or end? Are minimum wages, employer paid
social security costs, or other government-mandated costs to be similarly
treated?
Tax credits for pollution control equipment would be a more direct and
arguably more efficient mechanism for compensating companies in this situ-
ation. However, in these times, proposals to lower taxes for industry are not
likely to be viewed with favor.
221
~---~----···-------~------~~~~~~~-~~~~--~~-~~~~--:-· ·--~~~---------------~-------
[
TABLE 3. [
GLOBAL COMPETITION --THE NEW REALITY:
SELECTED INDICATORS [
DURING EARLY
POST WAR YEARS PRESENT
STATISTIC ( 1945 -1950) (1983-1985) COl+lENT /RELEVANCE
[
U.S. GNP as ~1/3a 115a The United States accounts for a
Proportion of decreasing share of the world's GNP [
World GNP as other nations develop econani-
cally.
-j
.U.S. Exports aa 3.5b g,gb The United States is becaning mur•e I
% of GNP
3·7b 11.7b
linked to the world's econany --I u.s. Imports as definitions of competitors and
[
% of GNP markets are changing.
Ratio of World 100° 19211 World trade is expanding at a ratio [
Trade to GNP of greater than the GNP of industrial-
Industrialized ized countries. In fact, world
Countries (1950 trade is expanding at a rate greater
= 100) than world GNP. Participation in
this world trade is essential to
[
U.s • economic survival.
Foreign Direct 2.5e 160f } Investment in
the u.s. ($ Further evidence of the development
Billions) of economic linkages between the
United States and the rest of the
u.s. Direct <10 ,..._ 230 world.
Investment in
[
[
Foreign
Countries ($
Billions) c
% of American ? 70g U.S. marketplace is becoming more
Products That competitive. No numerical estimate
Compete With is available for the World War II
Imports period. [
Ratio of Sales 11246h 1/4i Illustrates dramatic increase in
of Domestically penetration of imports in a critical
Produced Auto-sector of the U.S. economy. u.s.
mobiles to consumers benefit from these [
Foreign Automo-choices, but extent of import pene-
biles tration shows a competitive dis-
advantage in this sector •
U.S. Travelers • 827j 12k International travel becomes more
[
to Foreign commonplace, reflecting higher
Countries (t+t) (1 in 199 (1 in 19 levels of discretionary income,
Americans) Americans) lower real travel costa, and
·3j ak increased international business.
Foreign
6
Travelers to the
United States
(!+1) L
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TABLE 3·
GLOBAL COMPETITION --THE NEW REALITY:
SELECTED INDICATORS
(continued)
··--~-------
a Global Competition the New Realty, Report of the President's Commission on
Industrial Competitiveness, January 1985, Volume II, pp. 16-17.
b Raw data given in Economic Report of the President, February 1985.
c For 1950, earlier data not considered as reliable.
d Based on data contained in International Monetary Fund, International
Financial Statistics
e International Transactions of the United States During the War, 1940-1945,
1948, U.S. Department of Commerce.
f Preliminary figure is $159,571 MM for 1984, source: Gregory Fouch, Bureau of
Economic Analysis, U.S. Department of Commerce, (202) 523-0547.
g Global Competition the New Realty, Report of the President's Commission on
Industrial Competitiveness, January 1985, Volume II, p. 175.
h Data are for year 1951, and supplied by Earl Kreher, Motor Vehicle
Manufacturer's Association, Washington, D.C., (202) 862-3900.
i Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1985 Ed{tion.
j Data circa 1952, from F. P. Sasscer, "Expansion in Foreign Travel," Survey
of Current Business, U.S. Department of Commerce, June 1956, pp. 17 et seg.
k Data for 1984, from J. E. Bolyard, International Travel and Passenger
Fares, 1984," Survey of Current Business, May 1985, pp. 14 et ~
223
TABLE 4.
NOT ONLY LEGISLATORS AND ENVIRONMENTALISTS
NEED TO BE REMINDED OF GLOBAL COMPETITION
"The question has been raised whether the cost of manufacture in a
country like Germany might reach the point where, through evolution,
motor cars could be produced and sold in competition in the American
market ••• In my opinion it is impossible to reach the conclusion
that competition from without can ever be any factor whatsoever."
Alfred P. Sloan, Jr.
(President of General Motors),
quoted in The New York Times,
September 12 1929
"Though import sales could hit 425,000 in 1959 , they may never go
that high again"
Business Week,
January 17, 1958, p. 31.
"With over 50 foreign cars already on sale here, the Japanese auto
industry isn't likely to carve out a big slice of the U.S. market
for itself."
Business Week,
August 2, 1968, p. 68.
In 1980, according to Ward's Auto Reports, 2, 398,000 foreign cars
were sold in the United States, a substantial plurality of them
Japanese. In total, imports accounted for 27% of American new car
sales during the year.
Source: Cerf, C. and V. Navasky, The Experts Speak~ The Definitive Compendium
of Authoritative Misinformation, Pantheon Books, 19 4, p. 231.
224
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On the one hand, it can be argued that our knowledge of the deleterious
effects of air pollution is expanding, and that tougher standards may be a
necessary consequence. But, on the other hand, this greatly complicates
planning in capital intensive industries, because lack of knowledge about the
"regulatory future" occasions errors of two types:
some investments will be made that later regulatory decisions
render unwise, and
other investments will be rejected because of the presumed
presence of later regulatory costs which don't materialize.
Either error is costly and inefficient --regardless of the merits of strict
standards. This argues for regulatory stability or measures to increase
regulatory certainty. As used here, the term regulatory stability is not
intended as an industrial euphemism for regulatory leniency.
Few would argue against this principle in the abstract, the thorny
questions arise in practice. How should the concept be implemented? What
should be done, for example, if having signed off on "firm and fair" standards
previously unknown health or welfare issues emerge? We need to find some
imaginative solutions to these practical difficulties. Would it be possible,
for example, to have a contract between the regulatory body and the firms
affected? The contract could stipulate exactly what standards are to be met,
including compliance dates and other provisions similar to consent decrees.
If later circumstances indicated that changes were appropriate, a mechanism
could be established to find remedies.
Problem #3: Uncertainty22
Uncertainty is the problem that motivates the concept of regulatory sta-
bility. A firm's uncertainty in estimating future environmental control costs
arises from three sources,
(i) uncertainty in cost estimation for control technologies,
(ii) uncertainty that the proposed remedial actions/design changes,
etc., will, in fact, achieve the specified environmental
standards, and
(iii) uncertainty over what the standards are or will be.
Industry has had to live with the first two categories of uncertainty --but
there is no good reason for having to deal with the third category.
22 Economists sometimes distinguish between risk and uncertainty --the term
risk used to describe a variability in outcomes that can be quantified (e.g. ,
in an actuarial sense), whereas "uncertainty" has outcomes that are themselves
uncertain and not readily subject to conventional analysis. This distinction
is not made here.
225
-------------------------~----------------------·------------------~-----·-
•
Earlier it was mentioned that solid waste regulations were now being
written and could turn out to be quite costly for the minerals industry. EPA
is now in the process of deciding what regulations to propose in connection
with mining wastes. At issue are what wastes are to be classified as
hazardous, what treatment technologies or standards are to be applied, etc.
Thus, some uncertainty in the resulting cost burdens is to be expected. Table
5 shows an extract from one EPA consultant's report on the possible costs of
alternative regulatory scenarios, calculated as a percentage of present direct
operating costs for five metals under study. Possible costs range one o23 two
orders of magnitude, depending upon the stringency of the regulations. I
ask you to put yourself in the position of an investor or a firm attempting to
make sense of this. According to these estimates, for example, copper pro-
duction costs might ·increase only slightly (at best), or alternatively might
double when the regulations are in place! Immediately, such a table invites
speculation, e.g., that the high cost estimates are "obviously impossible" in
view of their certain effects on the U.S. copper industry --perhaps these are
intended as "straw men" to make industry more "pliable" --"things could be
much worse, you know," etc. We take no position on the matter other than to
note that this uncertainty is counterproductive. If the referenced report is
deemed to be credible, its only effect will be to discourage domestic invest-
ment, or failing this, to delay it until this uncertainty is resolved.
Such wide ranges in estimates of environmental cost associated with solid
waste are common. At the time that "waste end" taxes were debated as part of
Superfund reauthorization, Everest Consulting Associates estimated that these
taxes could cost the copper industry anywhere from a few cents per pound to
several do~¢ars per pound. Some legislative aides thought these calculations
gratuitous as they could not imagine that things could turn out that way in
practice. Perhaps so, but just how might things turn out in practice?
Here again interest groups on both sides of the environmental issue have a
mutual interest in reducing uncertainty. Worthwhile investments may be fore-
gone and worthless investments selected as executives try to second-guess
future environmental regulations.
Problem #4: Inconsistency
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Environmental regulations are not always consistent and, moreover, in some l·
cases this inconsistency follows directly from the law itself. We use the
word consistent in its literal sense, and not as a surrogate for "uniform." -'
23we do not fault the consulting firm, Charles River Associates, for this
uncertainty. They presumably made these calculations in response to
scenarios/specifications established by EPA.
24one reason for the wide range in these estimates is that substantial quanti-
ties of genrally low toxicity wastes are generated in the mining industry. In
copper, for example, nearly 600 tons of waste (overburden, tailings, slags,
sulfuric acid, etc.) are produced for each ton of copper produced. Alterna-
tive definitions of what constitutes waste h~ve great leverage in the calcula-
tions.
226
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Copper
Gold
Silver
Lead
Zinc
TABLE 5.
SUMMARY OF INCREMENTAL RCRA COMPLIANCE COSTS
UNDER VARIOUS ASSUMPTIONS
LOW COST
SCENARIO
1.7
1.1
2.5
1.9
5.2
-------~-~---------·---~
HIGH COST
SCENARIO
120
23
40
21
39
Figures shown are the incremental cost of RCRA compliance expressed as a
percentage of estimated direct operating costs of rnetals production •
Source: Charles River Associates, Draft Final Report, "Estimated Costs to the
U.S. Mining Industry For Management of Hazardous Solid Wastes," August 1985,
p. 2 •
227
For example, polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) are linked to cancer ac-
cording to some views and are, in any event, subject to regula~5on. Although
there are no national standards for cleanup of PCB spills, certain EPA
regions (e.g., Region V) and many states require cleanup to "background" or
"detection limits" --ca. 1 or 2 parts per million (ppm). One of the reasons
for establishing the threshold this low is that infants and mouthing children
sometimes ingest soil (a so-called pica tendancy) and this cleanup level is
thought to reduce the lifetim~6 incremental probability of cancer to a level of
approximately 1 in 1 million. At the same time, the FDA standard applicable
to PCBs in red meat is 3 ppm. Now, as most of us consume greater amounts of
red meat than soil in our diet, it is difficult to rationalize this state of
affairs. The difference in nationwide PCB cleanup costs between a 1 ppm and a
3 ppm standard is not known with any precision, but should be reckoned in tens
of millions of dollars, so this difference cannot be dismissed as being incon-
sequential.
Our environmental laws themselves lack consistency. Under terms of the
Clean Air Act, EPA is not permitted to weigh costs against benefits in setting
primary health standards. But under the other laws, and by Presidential
Executive Order, costs are to be considered. These differences can produce
absurd results. For example, from time to time, EPA has considered adopting a
short-term (one-hour) standard for sulfur dioxide, based largely on con-
tentious findings of reversible effects on populations of exercising
asthmatics. • If -these ~alth effects are proven, EPA will have no option but
to set a new standard, regardless of the costs of this standard. However,
regulations affecting carcinogens may be subject to a cost benefit test (if
not emitted to the air), and it is possible that cost considerations could
result in more lenient standards. This doesn't make sense from either an
equity or efficiency perspective. It is easy to imagine circumstances where
marginal cost consistency is violated -that is, an investment of the same
magnitude as required for attainment of the short-term so2 standard might
reduce adverse health effects to a much greater degree if allocated to control
of some other pollutant in some other medium. Again, neither the interests of
environmentalists nor industrialists are well served by this inconsistency.
25some are under development as of this writing.
26aur own estimates and those of others differ substantially from this figure,
but that is a separate issue. Prof. Bruce Ames, Chairman of the Department of
Biochemistry at the University of California, Berkeley, has estimated that if
the relative risk of drinking tap water is set equal to 1.00, ingestion of
PCBs leads to a risk of 0.2 (no misprint), While the risks for selected other
substances are: peanut butter --20; comfey tea --25 to 500; and beer (one a
day) --2500. See M. Castleman and M. Roffers, "Ready Ames Fire," San
Francisco Focus (magazine of KQED-TV, PBS), November 1985, pp. 55, et ~
27current suits by the Environmental Defense Fund, Natural Resources Defense
Council, Sierra Club, National Parks and Conservation Association, State of
New York, State of Connecticut, State of New Hampshire, Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, State of Vermont, State of Minnesota, and State of Rhode Island
versus Lee Thomas, Administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, in Civil Actions No. 85-9507
(DNE) and No. 85-, United States District Court, Southern District of New York
argue just this point.
228
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It can only be hoped that 2~ngress will rethink this matter when it
reauthorizes the Clean Air Act.
Problem #5: The Adversary Process
In a democratic society such as ours with all the constitutional safe-
guards to free speech, a fair judicial system, etc., it is only natural that
citizens, interest groups,-corporations, etc. , have a diversity of views on
many issues --and the environment is no exception. Such diversity of views
is a sign of a healthy democracy and, in this sense, is important to
America. There is, however, a point beyond which diversity becomes polari-
zation, where litigation becomes a substitute for common sense, and where an
adversary attitude permeates all dealings between government and industry.
28EPA and other agencies are aware of these difficulties (see below) and,
within the limits of the law, are attempting to develop a more coherent risk
assessment scheme. In our view, environmental laws should facilitate this
process rather than make it more difficult. Some relevant comments in a
recent EPA report on risk analysis (Risk Assessment and Management: Framework
for Decision Making, EPA 600/9-85-002, December 1984, p. 24) are as follows:
"In.making such balances, the risk management approach regards
risks• of the same type (e.g., risks of a particular disease) as
comparable regardless of the route through which people are exposed
to them. This makes sense because we know that risk may be trans-
ferred around the environment and among environmental media by
natural processes or by pollution control itself, and the idea is,
of course, to reduce the total risk in the whole environment.
In practice, however, this is extremely difficult to do, as
EPA operates under eight major statutes, each directed at a dif-
ferent form or locus of pollution. These statutes not only estab-
lish the values that the Agency must protect (and these naturally
differ among the statutes), but in the case of risk to human health,
they often appear to direct different approaches to risk re-
duction. Briefly, there are two broad groups of statutory mandates
to which any risk management approach must be adapted. In the first
(e.g., Toxic Substances Control Act), explicit balancing of risks
against benefits or costs of control is authorized or required.
When applied in reference to programs under such laws, risk
management is the analysis and exposition of the balancing
considerations.
In the second group (e.g., the Clean Air Act), a standard that
protects human health or some other value must be established or
some particular level of technical control must be applied. Cost
considerations may be specifically prohibited during the development
of the protective standard. Here risk management means finding the
most efficient way of achieving _the standard, while at the same time
assuring that policies designed to remove specific pollutants under
these laws do not have perverse effects, such as transferring an
equal or increased risk to another environmental medium."
229
Examples can be found where the legal and consult~t's fees have exceeded the
cost differences of the alternatives under debate.
I believe we need to actively seek measures that foster cooperation
between industry, government, and environmentalists. This is by no means a
new idea, but it is an idea whose time has come. One of the schemes that h~8
recently enjoyed some success at EPA is a process that they term "reg/neg,"
short for regulatory negotiation. The goal is to simplify the regulatory
process and to "keep EPA out of court" --by bringing the various interesteds
(industry, environmental groups) together to seek a consensus policy. The
consensus policy has a much greater likelihood of avoiding subsequent li ti-
gation. Such la_r.pui ts are disruptive, costly, and surprisingly frequent:
according to EPA, nearly 80% of their regulations have been the subject of
some legal ~~tion! According to William Ruckelshaus, former EPA
Administrator, the costs of this are prodigious indeed,
"It takes approximately 50 person-years --that's a terrible
word, but its the way we describe a year's worth of work by someone
in the Agency or in the government --it takes about 50 person-years
every year in the Office of General Counsel to handle this load;
about 75 in the program areas; there is another 25 in the Department
of Justice; and 175 at least by plantiff' s counsel. If we add to
that countless additional resources expended by other parties of
interest and the courts t.hemsE}l ves we would come to quite a figure."
Obviously everyone has something to gain if this process can be streamlined.
EPA's experience with the Reg/Neg process to date has suggested that not
all issues can be effectively dealt with by this process. After a review of
the literature on the subject of environmental negotiation, EPA has come up
with several criteria to select candidate issues. These criteria are sum-
marized in Table 6.
Reg/neg or any other management technique does not offer any guarantee of
success. According to Eugene Smith, a U.S. Borax and Chemical Vice President,
such negotiat~~n failed to streamline the EIS approval process for the Quartz
Hill deposit,
29"Attorneys Say Trying Cases Under CERCLA Costs More Than Cleaning Up
Hazardous Sites," Environment Reporter, 2/8/85, pp. 1640, et ~
3°Rich, Laurie, "EPA Brings 'Reg/Neg' to RCRA," Chemical Week, 18, 85 (20).
31Kirtz, Chris, EPA, personal communication.
32Address by William D. Ruckelshaus before the Conservation Faundation' s.
Second National Conference on Environmental Dispute Resolution, Washington,
D.C., October 1, 1984.
33smi th, E. D. , "The Development of Quartz Hill: A Brief Case History," in
International Conference on Coal, Minerals and Petroleum --Proceedings,
sponsored by Resource Development Council for Alaska, Anchorage, Alaska,
February 16-17, 1983, pp. 183 et ~
230
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TABLE 6.
EPA REG/NEG CRITERIA
Criteria for the Regulation
• The proposal should require the resolution of a limited number of
interdependent or related issues. There should be several ways
in which the issues can be resolved. The relevant legislation
should accommodate these alternative outcomes-. There should be
no serious obstacles to implementing a negotiated solution.
• To promote timely resolution and to limit a participant's ability
to gain from delay, there should be a legislative or judicially
imposed deadline or some other mechanism forcing publication of a
rule in the near term, i.e., 8 to 12 months.
• Some or all of the parties should have common positions on one or
more of the issues to be resolved which might serve as a basis
for additional agreements during the course of negotiations.
• • The costs and benefits should be narrowly concentrated on a few
identifiable entities.
Criteria for the Participants
• Those participants interested in or affected by the outcome of
the development process should be readily identifiable and
reasonably few in number. They should have sufficient resources
to take an active role in negotiations, and should have
relatively equal power to affect the outcome.
• The parties should be likely to participate in negotiations as an
alternative-to litigation. They should feel more likely to
achieve their overall goals using negotiation rather than
existing alternatives.
Source: Chris Kirtz, EPA
231
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"Despite the fact that Alaskan and lower 48 environmentalists were
parties to the special language of ANICLA that deals with the Quartz
Hill deposit, they have appealed the access road and bulk sampling
EIS and the access road permit. It appears to us that they take any
action, regardless of its merits, that may burden the project with
added costs and unnecessary delays. I think we all know how
damaging such actions can be to major capital-cost projects. We can
all cite cases where such unnecessary costs and delays have ~stopped
projects."
As attorneys are fond of saying, "Justice delayed is justice denied."
Reg/neg is only one approach to the problem. Ultimately, attitudes have
to change. Federal and state employees have to learn to be partners, not
policemen. Industry executives, likewise, need to stop defining "civil
servant" or "fair-minded environmentalist" as oxymorons. And everyone has to
stop thinking in conventional terms of winniqg and losing. If America cannot
learn to reconcile industrial development and environmental concerns in a
timely fashion we will all lose the competitiveness race.
•
232
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STATE F E D E R A L I S S U E S
Senator Frank Murkowski
Senator Frank Murkowski was unable to provide a copy of his
presentation for reproduction in the conference proceedings.
•
233
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Sixth
Outlook for 1986
By
Alaska Congressman Don Young
United States House of Representatives
Washington, D.C.
Presented to the
•
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Annual International Conference on Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?.
AND
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
235
Thank you for the opportunity to address this, the Sixth
Annual International Conference on Alaska's Resources. Alaska
finds itself at a crossroads today, and we must choose our
direction and then dedicate ourselves to the trail chosen.
Alaska has been blessed by owning Prudhoe Bay and the
enormous revenues which have made recent decisions easier. At the
same time, we have been cursed in the sense that easy short-term
decisions do not necessarily serve long-term interests.
The current outlook facing Alaska provides all of us with
challenges--challenges which once again compel us to make wise
decisions.
Basically, there are two ways to look at challenges, and
these two ways are at the core of the two potential paths for
Alaska I mentioned earlier.
One way is to look at the challenges as problems requiring
hand wringing and tough choices. This path includes rationing more
scarce economic assets and minimizing the impact of such rationing.
In my opinion, this path is not the right one for Alaskans. I
prefer the second approach--the approach that can most simply be
described as the path that Alaskans might take if they look (as I
think Alaskans will) at challenges as opportunities.
The wonderful aspect about being Alaskan is that you have
tremendous opportunities. These opportunities are available right
now, and I believe Alaskans can and should put out the welcome mat
so those opportunities will come knocking. And knowing Alaskans,
if opportunity knocks, we'll open our doors and show him our
hospitality.
I think all of you know about Alaska's resources, but if you
will bear with me, I'd like to go over them with you again.
If there is one thing that Alaskans have, it is an abundance
of surface beauty. At over twice the size of Texas--Alaska is
larger than many nations of the world and more beautiful than all
of them. Tourism, then, is an increasingly important part of
Alaska's economy, as it should be. The only drawback to tourism in
Alaska is that for the average family, Alaska is a fairly expensive
place to visit, and is therefore presently limited. That doesn't
have to be the case, and it just so happens that our opportunities
to increase tourism coincide with our opportunities to develop
other vast natural resources.
Let me explain. Alaska's beauty and natural splendor are due
to its mountains, its valleys, its mighty rivers and glaciers, its
plains and it forests. Its rich cultural assets stem from the
adaptation of people to their environment--as diverse an
236
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environment as the state is large. The natural beauty of Alaska
was caused by enormous forces at work in the earth, and those same
forces responsible for carving out enormous mountain ranges and
valleys also created large and rich deposits of mineral and other
wealth in Alaska. You will get no arguments on that score.
I said before that Alaska is expensive to visit--why? The
answer is simple--transportation. If transportation and access to
Alaska could be improved, tourism would grow at an exponential
rate, and contribute greater amounts to the economy as a whole.
Furthermore, Alaska's mineral wealth requires transportation to
allow it to effectively compete with other world sources. We have
some of the most beautiful scenery, and the most rich mineral
wealth in the world--many times in the same places.
Alaskans have the opportunity--if they choose, to provide
jobs and economic growth by developing transportation to our
mineral wealth; at the same time we can make possible new tourism
opportunities for millions of Americans through this same
transportation system.
• It's happening right now in Southeast Alaska, on Prince of
Wales Island. There, where timber, rather than mineral wealth, has
been extracted, logging has assisted in constructing roads to access
and improve the productivity of our national forest resource, and
make possible access to better manage wildlife resources for all.
These roads now link communities once isolated and as a bonus, what
were once log landings are now primitive campsites, where people
can enjoy the wonders of Southeast Alaska at a reasonable cost.
This cost will drop as transportation is improved in Southeast, as
it will statewide. This, in a small but important way, is the dual
opportunity of Alaskans developing and managing their resources
while improving the climate for affordable tourism.
Opportunity knocks also from a United States hungry for
strategic minerals now provided by sources unreliable or hostile to
our nation. More people are recognizing that we increase our
likelihood of overseas military involvement and increase the chances
of dealing with unsavory nations by failing to develop our abundant
natural resources here at home. Voices that cry for absolute
preservation of lands through_mineral_l_ock-ups cannot with straight
faces continue to blast the u.s. for economic ties with nations we
rely on for strategic minerals we have, but are unwilling to
develop, right here at home.
Alaska's location presents clear opportunities for the state.
While our location away from the Lower 48 creates transportation
challenges for tourism, tourism is assisted by our location in the
Pacific Rim. In addition to attracting tourists from the Pacific
Rim, Alaska is attracting increasing interest from our trading
partners in the region. They come to see Alaska's beauty and go
237
----·---~-~-·-
away thinking about our mineral, energy and fiber wealth. No one
has been more aggressive in this area than my good friend and
partner, Senator Frank Murkowski. As you know, the Senator is
Chairman of the Subcommittee responsible for relations with the
Pacific Rim nations, and I know he has been talking about Alaska's
potential with our friends in the region. The current
destabilization of the world oil cartel gives these growing nations
the opportunity and flexibility to search for alternatives to what
they have discovered to be insecure sources in the Middle East.
They want and need coal, oil and gas for energy, timber and timber
resources, and minerals of all kinds. They need and want them, and
they see we have them. The market for the Red Dog Mine in
Northwest Alaska is the Pacific Rim--without that market and the
transportation corridor I pusped through the Interior Committee
last year, there would be a mineral deposit, but no mine.
All of these opportunities exist, and more. Earlier I
mentioned that now is the time for Alaska to extend the "Welcome
Mat." The reason for that is clear--without such a welcome mat,
opportunity will fail to knock, and Alaskans will not be able to
answer the door.
What can we do at both the state and federal levels to put
out the welcome mat? The answer is simple, and just so happens to
coincide with what many see as a problem for the state and the
federal governments--lower budgets.
We can and should reduce the money we spend to thwart
development, recognizing that roadblocks to development create
roadblocks to tourism and the economic diversification we all seek.
We should recognize that in order to compete, we must make
ourselves lean and competitive. We must have state and federal
policies which encourage the mutualistic development of ~ of our
resources. There are those who will continue to pit one interest
against another, saying it must be one industry or another. I say
we need to recognize that development of oil is good for the
fishing industry--oil revenues and jobs and taxation help pay for
new airports and transportation systems to get the fish to market.
And likewise, fishing communities provide logistic support, a local
work force and irreplaceable knowledge of the climate and the
environment.
If you stop and think about it, big government and large
amounts of state and federal spending has contributed to the
slowing of development and economic diversification in the st~te.
With the exception of long-term investments in roads and
infrastructure, big government and big budgets have led to
bureaucratic red tape, delays and more delays. When was the last
time any of you--devoted to development of new industries and jobs
in Alaska--has complained because government was underfunded?
238
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The truth is, it has been exactly the opposite. More money in the
budget means more people thinking up ways to impose conditions on
productive industries which make them more unproductive, more
costly, and more uncompetitive in the u.s. and world markets.
Some of you may be thinking that Don Young is the eternal
optimist--that this guy could find a silver lining behind a
thermonuclear cloud. That may be true, but it's true for a
reason--I believe that nothing will stop Alaskans in their quest to
improve this state for themselves, their children and their
children's children if they are given the right to decide their
destiny. When I look back on the growth in government spending, it
coincides with a reduction in the possibilities for the realization
of Alaska's potential. When Alaskans can decide for themselves,
rather than hav.ing the government decide what choices will be
available to them, the state will reach its potential.
In sum, I think the outlook is good. Alaska has the
resources our national and the world needs. By developing them we
make available more tourism opportunities, as well as economfc
diversification to make Alaska livable for our children--we can
leave a legacy. Further, despite all the talk about reduced
budgets for government, I think Alaskans need more government like
we need a hole in the head. What we do need, and what will make
that legacy possible, is to be freed from government's limits to
our lives and our dreams. That is the outlook in 1986.
239
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-------------------------------------
From Rags to Riches: A Strategy That Works
by
John C. Anderson,
Director,
Department of Trade, State of Washington
presented to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth Annual International Conference
on Alaska's Resources
Crisis in Resource Production:
Can America Compete?
and
Alaska's Competitive Position:
Public Policy Issues
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
241
I've had the pleasure of visiting Alaska several times in the
past 15 years, and on more than one occasion, I've considered
becoming an Alaskan. Both of my sons have worked in the Bristol Bay
fishery over the past several summers. I like Alaska and Alaskans.
Alaska is truly awesome to me. I'm humbled by its size and
majesty. I'm also humbled by the task of talking to you today about
economic development. This afternoon I would like to talk about my
experience in economic development in the State of Washington. I
sincerely hope that Washington's experience with economic
development may be a useful reference for Alaskans as you consider
strategies for your future.
In recent years our global, national and state economies have
not been performing the way we'd like.
The result has been unemployment, inadequate public
revenues and reduced public services.
Our response to this situation has been increased
economic development effort--which is public-private
intervention in the economy--in an attempt to improve the
economy's performance in our own self interest.
In November 1984, Washington voters elected Booth Gardner, a
business democrat, as Governor. When Booth Garnder took office in
January 1985, the economic problems of the state were clear; the
economy was lagging.
Unemployment in Washington was 10.9 percent vs. 8 percent
for the nation as a whole.
We had 225,000 people out of work.
Tax revenues were declining.
There was general frustration with the condition of the
state economy.
There was dissatisfaction with the performance of the state
economic development program.
*
*
*
In fact, the program performance had been a factor in
the election.
Economic development in Washington lacked
public/private coordination and cooperation.
It had no credibility with the legislature.
---·-·-------
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* The public perception was:
Washington had no plan
no statewide program (fragmentation)
no leadership
That was the situation in January 1985. Let me tell you how we
responded:
After a few weeks of monastic seclusion and huddles with the
Governor, we devised the Washington Plan for Economic
Development.
Governor Gardner publicly announced the plan on February 5,
1985, 20 days after he took his oath of office.
Two weeks later, we convened a conference of all economic
development interests in the state, to ask them what they
thought of the plan -they liked it.
The legislature approved the program and budget during its
regular 1985 session .••
* substantially increasing authorized funding for economic
development programs;
* and consolidating numerous and fragmented economic
development activities in state government into one
management group.
The plan was funded and implemented the first of July, just
slightly over seven months ago.
The Washington Plan's philosophical underpinning is that the
economy is the engine of the ship of the state providing:
jobs for citizens
sales and profits for business
tax revenues for government
* money for health and social services, roads and education
The Washington Plan's characteristics:
It's an action plan.
And because we believe economic development is everybody's
business, the plan is designed to allow any interested
citizen or organization to participate.
243
It provides an organization structure for a statewide
public-private partnership to implement development
programs.
It defines a balanced multi-program, statewide economic
development drive.
Team Washington, the Plan's action arm, provides organization
and cooperative statewide programs in:
retention of existing manufacturing, processing and assembly
facilities;
recruiting of new manufacturing, processing and assembly
facilities;
export development;
tourism development;
assistance to existing business, particularly small
business;
film and video recruiting
The Washington Plan provides funding to Team Washington
economic development programs on the local/regional level:
Associate development organizations (ADOs) representing all
39 of the state's counties, receive up to $25,000 in state
matching funds per year to provide a full-time economic
development staff, office and local program.
* These are generally private/non-profit coalitions made up
of people from:
government;
visitor and convention bureaus;
business;
chambers of commerce;
labor;
agriculture;
education;
ports
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These ADOs are part of an action plan--a big step beyond
rhetorical economic development. This element of the
Washington Plan--this part of Team Washington--solves the
problem of state-local coordination.
For example, each ADO representing one county-wide area (in
some cases two) has signed an agreement with the state's
Department of Trade and Economic Development.
The agreements stipulate specific services that each ADO
will provide, and spells out the Department of Trade's
responsibilities to the ADO. It defines process so we have
predictability.
In six months, we signed up all 39 of the state's counties.
The Washington Plan also provides funding to statewide
business-based organizations.
The Economic Development Partnership for Washington is a
non-profit organization of private sector leaders from all
over the state.
* The Partnership, under contract to the state Department
of Trade and Economic Development, recruits, trains and
certifies Washington ambassadors.
* Washington ambassadors are principally business leaders.
There are about 120 right now, bringing back intelligence
on business opportunities for the state as they travel
the U.S. and other countries.
* Ambassadors also volunteer to work with the associate
development organization which represents the
Ambassador's home community. This work often assists
existing local businesses.
* Ambassadors, traveling in the U.S. and abroad on Team
Washington economic missions, also provide private funds,
otherwise unavailable to government, to host receptions
and dinners •
In addition, our Department of Trade and Economic
Development Team Washington programs cooperate closely with
business-based organizations such as the Washington
State-China Relations Council, the Washington State Visitors
Association, the Washington State Council on International
Trade and others. This assures coordination of government
and business economic development initiatives.
245
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The Washington Plan includes several other elements:
The Economic Development Board is starting work on a
strategic analysis and long-range plan for Washington. The
Board includes business and labor leaders, and legislators
from both sides of the aisle.
* The strategic plan will tackle among other issues, the
Washington State tax structure, which is dysfunctional.
* The Economic Development Board does not concern itself
with short-term tactical economic development issues or
programs. The Board solves the problem of strategic
planning.
Another element of the Washington Plan is the Economic
Development Cabinet.
*
*
*
It is made up of the heads of 25 state agencies. It is
designed to expedite resolution of issues, and action on
development projects.
The Governor as chairman may require agency heads to
report back in writing within 24 hours of a meeting with
action plans that assure economic development
opportunities are fully realized. He had made it clear
that any agency head who fails to comply may be making a
career decision.
The Ec.onomic Development Cabinet solves the problem of
fragmented, uncoordinated response among state agencies.
Another component is the Community Revitalization Teams made
up of economic development specialists from several state
agencies. These teams have capacity to analyze problems of
distressed communities and suggest possible solutions to
their problems. These are mobile teams which attack
unanticipated problems caused by natural or economic
disaster.
Last but not least, the Washington Plan includes the
Washington State Department of Trade and Economic
Develop~ent.
*
*
*
It has been energized across all programs, with increased
budget, and reorganization.
It provides leadership to Team Washington.
It coordinates Team Washington missions, in which ADOs
and ambassadors participate on trade, investment and
tourism initiatives.
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* Team Washington economic missions have included:
Japan and China in October 1985;
Southern California last week;
Europe this May;
East As"ia next fall
Results to date, in one year, of the Washington Plan are
encouraging:
unemployment in Washington was 10.9 percent (225,100) in
January 1985;
in December 1985, 12 months later, it was 8.4 percent
( 176 '300) ;
that improvement occurred in the face of an increase in the
work force of 40,000--much of it due to in-migration;
tax revenues have stabilized;
new industry has come to Washington
*
*
In July 1985 we turned the corner when we won a hotly
contested national competition to attract the RCA/Sharp
Microelectronics Corporation
For 1985, first phase plant investments amounting to $550
million that will create 3,000 jobs were announced under
the Washington Plan. These are diversified and
distributed all over the state. Only one was high tech.
The majority were resource-based, basic industry. These
investments were exclusive or expansions of existing
businesses, which were substantial.
Just as importantly:
we have an organization - a team;
we have a process for the continued planning and
implementation of statewide cooperative economic development
programs;
we have a plan;
and we have a new spirit
. . . of cooperation
247
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of confidence, but not over-confidence
of can-do
Today we can stand on our own in a highly competitive world
economy, seeking our rightful place in the global economic order.
I honestly· don't know how much of our experience might be
transferable to Alaska.
Although we have much in common, we also have significant
differences.
But our approach may be of interest. We took a look at our
advantages, and we're acting on them. We're prepared to
share information and experience with you.
But regardless of what your basic economic advantages or
disadvantages might be and what strategy you employ, there
can be no substitute for:
* leadership;
* consensus;
* commitment;
* and cooperation
At bottom, that's what we have going for us right now in
Washington State.
We have the five "Ps" of economic development:
* Product
* People
* Process
* Plan
* Promotion
That doesn't mean we have solved all of our problems. We have
many serious issues to address and we have plenty of work to do.
But, Ladies and Gentlemen, we feel good about what we're doing.
We're working hard and we're making progress while having fun.
We in the State of Washington have always appreciated and
valued our relations with Alaska, and we look forward to the
continuation of those close relations far into the future.
248
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Organizing for State Economic Progress
by
R. Scott Fosler
Vice President and
Director of Government Studies
Committee for Economic Development
Washington, D. c.
Presented to the
Reso.urce Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
· Sixth International Conference
on Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COHPETE?
and
ALASKA'S COHPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
249
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Preface [
The Committee for Economic Development has been studying [
the economic role of states in preparation for a policy statement .
to be issued later ~n 1986. This paper is based on preliminary
findings from that study, which is still underway. It does not ["
necessarily represent the views of CED or of the trustees of CED. _
Nor does it attempt to address specifically the circumstance of
Alaska. Rather, it provides a summary of recent developments in ['
the various states in economic strategy, and suggests some -
generalizations, the applicability of which to Alaska is for -
Alaskans to decide.
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Introduction
Sirice the mid-1970s, the fifty states have undertaken
economic development projects in such areas as venture capital,
financial and technical assistance, small business incubation,
education and infrastructure improvement, regulatory reform, job
training and placement, and technological research and
development. A 1983 report by the National Governors'
Association described over 125 state institutions and programs,
many of which were created since 1980, geared toward improving
technological innovation and economic growth.l For example:
• The Minnesota Seed Capital Fund specializes in
providing early stage financing, typically on the order of
$50,000 to $250,000, to firms offering significant job
creation potential in the state. In 1982, a $1 million
investment in new companies attracted additional debt and
equity financing of $14.5 million.
• The Hawaii High Technology Development Corporation was
formed in 1983 for the purpose of issuing bonds for
infrastructure development to support innovative
technology-based firms.
The President's Commission on Industrial Competitiveness in 1984
documented similar state initiatives, especially in the areas of
technological development, human resource development, ca~ital
resources, export trade, and entrepreneurial development.
This new wave of state action was motivated principally
by the economic turmoil of the 1970s: surging oil prices, rising
interest rates, chronically high unemployment, inflation,
recession, and lagging growth and productivity. The recession of
the early 1980s reinforced state leaders' concern. Cutbacks in
federal spending made it clear that they could not look to
Washington for new program initiatives to alleviate economic
.hardship. To the contrary, they could expect greater
responsibility for providing public services. With their two
most reliable revenue sources--federal grants and increased state
tax rates--severely constrained, state leaders redoubled their
efforts to promote a healthy state economy as the best way to
provide jobs and assure adequate revenues to fund state
programs. The drop in oil prices over the past two years has
had especially severe effects on those states whose economies are
dependent on oil.
Underlying these immediate pressures, however, are longer
term trends that justify more effective economic strategy on the
part of states.
251
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• The movement toward service and knowledge-based
employment. Just as the proportion of workers in
agriculture dropped dramatically as agricultural
productivity increased, so the proportion employed in
manufacturing is also declining a~ industrial productivity
increases. The proportion of the workforce employed in
services will therefore increase, and knowledge and
information industries will become increasingly important
to the economy·.
• Increasing competitiveness. Markets for many traditional
industries no longer provide for substantial growth so that
firms in those industries are subject to tighter price,
quality, marketing, and service competition. New
industries are highly competitive as they seek to capture
new markets. Regions are more competitive with one another,
and state and local governments have become more actively
involved in attracting business. Global competition is
challenging the American economy and its regional
components on all these fronts.
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• Rapid and uncertain change. Change has been the
essence of American economic progress. But the kind of [
change facing the country today is different in several
ways. It is even more uncertain than in the past, because
of the restructuring in manufacturing, changes in the world [
economy, and a revolution in social values that are· :
occurring simultaneously. Growth rates have slowed
substantially since 1974, and many areas of the country-[
have faced serious problems even as the economy as
a whole has recovered from the recessions of the early ·
1980s. The foreign challenge to the American ec-onomy is _
still not fully appreciated by most Americans. [
In a world shape3 by such forces, nearly any place can
compete with any other place. The physical constraints or
advantages associated with geographical location, soil, access to
raw materials, and even climate, while certainly not
insignificant, have declined in relative importance. Comparative
advantage among places now has more to do with human will,--
energy, values, and organization.
In the past, it was not so important that state
governments recognize their pervasive economic impact. The
national economy was growing and largely unaffected by
international competition, and every state benefited from that
economic strength. Errors, waste, missed opportunities, and
economically harmful actions had limited effect or were never
even detected in the momentum of growth. Now, however, the
margin for error in state actions is radically recuced. The
economic differences among the states are great enough that it
252
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would be impossible to prescribe specific policies applicable to
all. However, the economic environment they all confront does
suggest a need to rethink the states' role in the economy, and
the way they organize to carry out that role.
Strengthening Economic Foundations
Priority attention should be given to strengthening the
foundations on which the.state economy depends. Most of these
foundations are familiar, but may have been neglected. Some have
not been widely recognized in the past as economic foundations,
but are critical to the emerging economy. Those foundations
and their corresponding state responsibilities are portrayed in
Chart 1.
The relative importance of each foundation to a
particular state will vary according to.the nature of the state
economy. The state responsibility in each case, however, is
critical to economic health.
Developing an Economic Strategv
' States need an economic strategy to preserve and
strengthen these foundations and to chart a course through
turbulent times. A strategy is required for three reasons. The
first and most important is to refrain from taking actions, or to
correct past actions, that are economically harmful. Because the
state's effect on the economy is pervasive, actions that have
accumulated over time, and many proposed for the future, may do
more harm than good.
The second reason is that there are so many things that
need to be done, and so many people and institutions involved,
that it will be impossible to do everything well. Choices must
be made, resources leveraged, and efforts coordinated.
The third reason for a strategy is that the economic
environment is rapidly changing ana competition is fierce.
States that are highly dependent on a few major industries such
as natural resources or manufacturing are especially vulnerable
to change and thus need to anticipate and prepare for adverse
circumstances.
The first step in developing an economic strategy is to
have a thorough understanding of the nature of the state's
economy, its strengths, weaknesses and evolutionary history.
In recent years it has become popular to compare states
by various composite indices that are alleged to reflect the
states' relative business climate. For example, the Alexander
Grant index uses 23 factors to compare the states. While useful
253
Chart 1
State Resoonsibility for Economic Foundations
Economic Foundations
A vigorous private sector
conducive to the starti~g and
expansion of business and the
reallocation of business resources
in accordance with market demand
and entrepreneurial initiative.
A 6apable and motivated labor
force that is well educated and
supported by a human resource
system that facilitates and assists
in finding employment that best
uses workers' abilities.
A svstem of phvsical infrastructure
including: transportation, commun-
ication, energy, water supply, and
waste management that is effective
and efficient.
AmPle natural resources for
current and future use and
development.
Universities and other research
and development institutions that
are involved in the development of
knowledge and its market
applications.
A svstem of reculation, capital,
and technical assistance that
encourages enterprise
development.
A auality of life that is
attractive to employees and
their families.
Fiscal stabilitv that is
characterized by reasonable
tax rates and prudent debt
policy.
State ResPonsibilities
Establishing a climate
conducive to.private
private sector vitality.
Primary, secondary and
higher education; training;
employment service; health
and human services.
Transportation, water
supply and sewage, waste
management, communication,
and energy.
Management of land, waterr
air, agriculture, minerals,
forests, and wildlife.
Development and dissemina-
tion of information,
support for universities,
and development of
linkages between universi-
ties and business.
Attraction, start-up,
expansion, and retention
of enterprises through a
productive·mix of promo-
tional, financial,
regulatory, and technical
assistance policy.
Policies that enhance
the physical environment,
public services, amenities,
and a sense of community.
General, business, and
personal taxes; expendi-
tures for state programs,
and debt.
254
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to a point, conventional statistics can also be misleading in
portraying a state 1 s economic condition and, hence, in suggesting
a course of action. Aggregate and net figures often hide
significant changes within sectors that reflect the dynamics of
the economy. From 1979 to 1983, for example, Michigan
experienced its worst downturn since the Great Depression, a
condition widely attributed to the state 1 s heavy reliance on
manufacturing which was thought to be in general decline. Yet,
during that period,~some 2,304 new manufacturing firms were
established in the state, more than the 2,161 that were lost.
It is equally important to assess the economic landscape
and make judgments about the forces that are driving the national
and international economy and where they are likely to take the
state economy. Political leaders tend to have very short-term
horizons. Economic development officials are concerned with
whether they are gaining or losing jobs for the state. Such
short-term considerations inevitably condition daily decisions.
They are not, however, adequate guides for a state economic
strategy, which requires a longer-term perspective.
The most visible long-term trend in the United States
economy has been the shift from an agricultural and natural
resource base to a manufacturing base, and then to a service
employment base. This shift in sectoral activity is a reflection
of dramatic improvements in productivity that generated enormous
national wealth. No state or region of the country has been
unaffected by this economic transformation, or failed to share in
the grow~ng wealth. Disparities in the relative per capita share
of that wealth among the states, moreover, have steadily
narrowed:
• In 1929, 18 states had per capita incomes less than 75
percent of the national average. By 1981, only one
state, Mississippi, was below 75 percent.
• In 1929, 10 states had incomes 25 percent greater than
the national average. By 1981, only Alaska and the
District 3of Columbia had per capita incomes above 25
percent.
But despite the growing similarities among state
economies, significant differences remain. Every region of the
country depends more heavily on some industries than others.
Industries suffer disproportionately during recessions or radical
price changes on world markets, and in turn, the regions where
those industries are concentrated suffer disproportionately.
The regional differences have been intensified by the growing
foreign challenge to the u.s. economy.
Following World War II, the United States was without
255
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economic peers. And with only 5 percent of its GNP in foreign
trade, the American economy was still largely insulated from
foreign co~petition. By 1985, however., foreign trade had soared
to 15 percent of GNP. Foreign manufacturing has seriously
challenged American products both abroad and at horne. And the
growing trade and balance of payments deficits in evidence by the
early 1980s were testament. to the extent the u.s. economy had
become integrated with, and vulnerable to, a large and
competitive world economy. ·
States which rely heavily on durable goods manufacturing
have been especially hard hit by foreign competition. In markets
such as steel, automobiles, and other traditional durable goods
industries where there is substantial capacity, even small
marginal advantages in price, quality, or service can result in
loss of market share. States that have depended on extractive
industries--for example, timber in Wastiington, Oregon and Alaska,
copper in Montana and Arizona, and oil in Texas, Louisiana, ·
Oklahoma, and Alaska--have found those economic mainstays
severely diminished or lost. Farm states have been severely hit
by lagging exports, due in part to the unfavorable exchange rate,
and in part to substantial increases in both U.S. and foreign
farm production capacity.
The foreign challenge now has extended to emerging
technologies. In 1985, the Japanese captured more than 60
percent of the market for 64K RAM memory chips. The loss of
microelectronics sales abroad has contrib~ted to California's
decli~e in exports from $4 billion in 1981 to under $3 billion in
1984. The loss in semi-conductor manufacturing to Japan is
also an indication that simply being on the cutting edge of
technological development through constant innovation is no
guarantee of sustained economic advantage.
In the end, state policies rest on basic assumptions
--implicit or explicit --about the way in which wealth is
created. Competing theories of economic development abound, but
the implicit assumptions underlying state policy frequently rest
on questionable and often contradictory theory.
For most of their history, state governments have been
important but reactive economic participants in an economy driven
by private market forces. However, if states generally have
shown little initiative in the past, they have provided important
services and the political and legal framework essential to
economic development. The nation's industrial economy could not
have functioned without an education system, roads, water supply
and sewage systems, ports and airports, and other services which
were principally state and local government responsibilities.
Such services, however were rarely developed as part of a
conscious state economic policy. Rather, they grew
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incrementally, in response to specific pressures that resulted
from pract~cal needs.
Assessing the economic impact of state actions since the
1970s is problematic. The economic revival of Massachusetts
which began in 1975, for example, does not appear to have been
stimulated by the much publicized economic programs of the state
government which did not get started until the late 1970s. One
state effort that dld seem to have an effect was the targeting of
geographical areas for economic revitalization. The renewal of
old cities like Lowell can be traced in part to actions taken by
the state to guide private investment to the city. Efforts by
banks and private educational institutions also helped to develop
Massachusetts' high technology potential. In general, however,
it appears that the state's economic success can be attributed to
its base in microelectronics (which in_turn was closely related
to MIT), business services, and a labor .force willing to work for
less than average national wages. If Massachusetts' numerous
government programs of the past eight years did not contribute to
the initial economic revival, did they accelerate it? We do not
yet know, although there is some evidence that they did.
A similar pattern appears in other states. California's
economic success throughout the twentieth century can be
attributed largely to the dynamics of the private economy. The
Federal Government has played a major role in key instances,
especially in the aerospace industry in Southern California and
in providing the initial demand that spawned the microelectronics
industry in Silicon Valley. The state has responded to the growth
engendered by these forces, providing vital public services --
especially transportation, water supply and education --without
which economic expansion would have been stifled. There were also
some instances of unusual foresight by state leaders, including
the commitment to an extensive public higher education system
which helped establish California's preeminence in the
development of high technology.
The story of the Research Triangle in North Carolina
offers an unusual example of state leadership. The concept
linking research and regional development in Nerth Carolina can
be traced to the sociology department of the University of North
Carolina in the 1930s. A real estate developer and graduate of
MIT later gave tangible expression to the concept by proposing a
research park bounded by Duke University in Durham, the
University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, and North Carolina
State University in Raleigh, the state capital, (and therefore
called Research Triangle Park). The proposal received the
enthusiastic support of Governor Luther Hodges. Sustained
support by leaders in business, government, and the universties
over the next three deca~es was required to turn the concept into
the reality it is today.
257
Organizing to Enhance Competitiveness
The substance of an economic strategy cannot be divorced
from the process by which it is fashioned and pursued. The many
guestio~s regarding an appropriate state strategy cannot be
answered easily or with finality. Factors affecting the state
economy are so pervasive and complex that no one pe:son or small
group of people are~likely to have the information or wisdom to
develop an effective strategy in isolation. A strategic vision
for the economy, moreover, is also a political statement. It
enunciates or assumes goals and values that are subject to
choice. It is premised on assumptions about how the economy
works that are based as much on political or ideological
predisposition as on supposedly objective economic theory.
Finally, if a strategy is to guide action, it will do so only if
numerous people and institutions understand it, share its vision,
and work in reasonable harmony to accomplish it.
There are several deficiencies in the structural
framework for economic policy found in most states.
First, because economi~ concern~ are narrowly defined,
they tend to be equated with the state agency which bears the
"economic development" label. Despite wide~pread recognition of
the broader reach of economic issues, many states continue to
define economic concerns in terms of such traditional
responsibilities as industrial recruitment, financial incentives
to business, small business assistance, etc.
Second, efforts at broader definition, even when they
are attempted, usually fail to be translated into a cohesive
policy or implemented in a coordinated fashion. Few governors
appear to have developed organizational mechanisms that
effectively link key elements of economic policy so that their
implementation in practice matches their connection in concept.
. Cooperation between the public and private sectors is still more
often rhetoric than fact.
Third, economic concerns are defined with an
insufficient view to the long run. Since the principal
motivating force driving top state officials is the election
cycle, it is rare that policy genuinely looks beyond the time
horizon of the next gubernatorial or legislative election. This
bias is reinforced by the dearth of professional analysis and
public understanding as to the long-term economic implications of
policy. ·
258
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Fourth, in the absence of a broader and longer term
perspective, de facto economic policy at the state level is
determined 'by numerous decisions made in isolation of one another
and driven by individual administrative and political agendas.
The consequence is that the potentially positive effect of state
action on the economy is frequently lost, while negative or
contradictory actions predominate.
Effective state structures for developing economic
strategy appear to have three key characteristics:
o ~he initi~1 agenda is broader. The economic
~~pact of numerous state programs, and their
relationship to one another, is taken into account.
Developing the human resource base through improved
education and training may, for example, be more
important than industrial recruitment programs.
• ParticiPation is more inclusive. The broader
agenda implies more participants, in particular
1) relevant agencies of state government,
2) other levels of government, and
3) "the Private sector:
e Greater attention is oiven to process.
Adapting to changing circumstances requires
change, experimentation and adjustment.
Strategies cannot be rigid, nor can all
responsibilities be fixed in a few individuals
or agencies. The breadth and complexity of the
issue requires special attention to linkages,
both formal and informal, to improve
communication among key participants at
each stage in the process.
Key to the process is more effective economic
intelligence, which can come from several sources: state
agencies, universities, research institutions, business, Federal
Reserve Banks, the federal government, and private consultants.
Speci~l task forces are regularly used to expand the intelligence
reach to-those with firsthand information about the economic
affairs of the state. At least twenty states have appointed
advisory task forces to address the question of how to promote
technological research and development. Examples include the
Alaska Council on Science and Technology, and the Iowa High
Technology Conference.
Many states are consciously developing a more cooperative
approach to state economic strategy. Indiana's development of a
strategic plan, for example, enjoyed bi-partisan support, in
large measure because of the leadership and cooperation of the
259
state'.s top Republican and Democratic politicians. The
Republican ,governor and lieutenant governor, who is also
ex-officio head of the state's Department of Commerce, were
intent on developing an active economic development program.
The president of the state Chamber of Commerce, who was also the
defeated Democratic nominee for governor, initiated the idea for
a state strategic plan for economic development. The plan
itself, In Steo with the Future, was produced with the
involvement of representatives from industry, banking, labor, and
the state universities, and led to a clear consensus that
aggressive action was called for. The more than one hundred
background and technical papers commissioned (from the state
chamber of commerce; Indiana, Ball State, and Purdue
Universities; the state department of commerce, and the
consulting firm, A. D. Little) produced information which both
heightened the awareness of the need for action and gave a
clearer picture of the condition of Indiana's economy and options
for improving it.
Indiana produced not so much a written, definitive plan,
as it did a structure and process for state economic policy. The
written document was sufficient to establish the basic condition
facing the state, and develop consensus as to ~eneral goals and
directions. But for the long haul, it was clear what was needed
was a process that could be adapted to changing circumstance, and
broad enough to encompass the numerous functions and actors that
affected economic development in the state. Indiana's strategic
planning structure, the Indiana Economic Development Council,
acts as an "initial guidance s¥stec" for state institutions
involved in economic affairs. It attempts to link the
activities of these institutions as they relate to seven broad
areas of economic concern: ·business climate, education and
training, energy, infrastructure, technology, productvity,
finance and capital.
Leaders in Rhode Island, by contrast, developed a
detailed economic plan that was put to public referendum. The
Greenhouse Compact proposed by the Rhode Island Strategic
Development Commission in 1983, laid out a detailed, 1,000 page
plan for stimulating state economic growth. Eighty percent of
state voters rejected the proposal in the referendum, largely,
according to surveys, because they did not believe that the
estimated cost of $750 million would yield benefits to the
average citizen, and because they lacked confidence in the way
the plan was developed and would be implemented.
Every state has an agency designated as responsible for
economic development (variously called departments of commer9e,
industry, industrial development, and economic development).
These agencies typically include such traditional economic
development functions as promotion, financial incentives, and
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site location assistance, and may also include the promotion of
state prod~cts, special assistance to particular industries, such
as tourism, and natural resources. As state economic policies
have become more aggressive and more comprehensive, the roles of
such agencies among state governments have grown more variable.
Some, such as those in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Tennessee,
have expanded to incorporate new responsibilities for
technology-related industry while remaining the lead agency in
economic policy dev€lopment. In other states, they have ·
continued to perform the traditional economic functions while
other agencies, or newly created non-profit corporations, have
taken on responsibilities for the newer economic functions. In
still other cases, governors have established another mechanism,
such as a development council consisting of relevant department
heads, or assigned coordination to staff in their own office or
another department to coordinate economic policy implementation.
Many state governments now recognize that other
traditional state functions have as much if not more impact on
the state's economy than those housed in the formally labeled
department of economic development. Departments of
transportation, education, employment and training, public
health, natural resources, and environmentai matters are now
usually seen as having an important economic role. State
university systems have received special attention as sources of
technological research and innovation. North Dakota State
University, for example, established a "Quest for Technology"
program to seek out marketable ideas among research underway.
The legislature plays a critical role in economic policy
through its lawmaking, budget, revenue raising, and
organizational powers. Few legislatures, however, have ·played a
leadership role in planning, implementing or evaluating economic
policy. Most legislatures are not well organized, or are
politically ill-disposed to undertake comprehensive or long-range
thinking. The California legislature in 1982 attempted to
address this problem by creating a new Committee on Economic
Development and New Technologies with subcommittees on
international trade and investment, rural economic development
and biotechnology. Another Committee on Small Business was also
created to determine ways to stimulate new enterprise. The State
Senate in 1984 established a Select Committee on Long Range
Policy Planning to examine the state's industrial competitiveness
and recommend policies to promote economic progress to the year
2000.
Local government is one of the most important, and often
most neglected, instruments of state economic policy.
Just as states are in a better position ~han the federal
government to deal with many practical aspects o£ economic
policy, so local governments are often in a better position than
261
the state to do so. Many local governments feel that the
state is ineffective in meeting its responsibilities to build and
maintain roads and other facilities, and in providing adequate
funding for education and human services. Local officials also
complain that states refuse to give local governments the legal,
administrative and financial tools --the basic powers of home
rule --that would permit them to mount their own effective
economic development programs.
~
During the past decade, a growing number of businesses
have come to appreciate the impact of state government on them
directly, and on the economy in which they function. In recent
years new business organizations have developed at the state
level to address issues of economic importance to the state.
Most are similar to organizations on the local level which have a
rich history of constructive contribution.
• The Business Council of Pennsylvania is a non-profit,
non-partisan association of executives from major
corporations of Pennsylvania. It was organized in 1979
to promote economic growth and development, private
sector employment, and fiscal responsibility in the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The Council seeks the-
direct participation and involvement of its members in
the development of public policy, working in partnership
with the legislative and executive branches of
government.
Similar organizations in other states include The
Partnership from New Jersey, the Minnesota Business
Partnership, the Tennessee Business Roundtable, the
Massachusetts Business Roundtable, the Hawaii Business
Roundtable, and the California Roundtable. Such organizations
can provide useful analysis of the state economy and important
trends, and offer guidance to state government in determining
strategy. They also enhance the opportunity of forging
partnership arrangements at the state level to pursue objectives
that require joint participation.
Informal networks among government, business,
educational, labor, and other community leaders are also helpful
in strengthening public private cooperation.
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• In North Carolina, informal networks among leaders in [
government, business, and education at the state level
played a major role in the development of the Research
Triangle. "State leaders were sufficiently secure that [
they erected no clubs or other barriers holding back
others who aspired to positions of state leadership, and ~
their sense of responsibility for the state gave them [
broad social support. Just as North Carolina, with no ·
262 [
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Summary
single large urban area, centered their philanthropy on
the state, establishing the first state symphony in the
1930s and the first state art museum in the lBSOs, so the
modernizers thought of the state as a whole."
In Michigan, informal discussions among leaders in
venture capital, education and banking led to the
establishment of several new institutions designed to
strengthen the state's position in new manufacturing
technology.
In Massachusetts, informal interaction among state
business and government leaders has been instrumental
in building support for new economic initiatives.
Periodic off-the-record meetings among top government,
business, and labor leaders have also served to address
key issues regarding the state economy.
The states, in sum, have arrived at a point where
economic policy is a serious matter. It can no longer be viewed
simply as a package of tax incentives and promotional brochures,
or even as an eclectic collection of all the latest institutions
and programs that have been proliferating in other states.
State economic policy today must be seen as the sum total of
actions taken in every aspect of state government that affect
economic performance in the state. States that fail to confront
this reality will be at a competitive disadvantage to those
states that do •
The new economic role for the states builds on past
experience but recognizes the need to adjust to changes occurring
in the contemporary economy. The emphasis should be placed on
freeing the latent energy, talent, and motivation in the private
sector to compete and perform. In many instances, the most
important thing state government can do is get out of the way,
removing barriers to economic performance that cannot be
justified by an overriding public interest. However, it is also
the case that the state is an active and important participant in
the economy. Its traditional role in providing support systems
is all the more important today, both because many of the
traditional foundations have fallen into disrepair, and because
new foundations are required for a changing economy.
Above all, the state is an agent of collective action for
an important geographical area and community of people. It can
choose to react to pressures as they occur. Or it can anticipate
the rapid changes occurring in the economy and consciously accept
or reject the many options open to it for economic progress.
263
Notes
1. National Governors' Association, Technoloov & Growth:
State Incentives in Technological Innovation, (Washington,
D. c.: National Governors' Association, 1983).
2. President's Commission on Industrial Competitiveness,
Innovations in Industrial Comoetitiveness at the
State Level, prepared by SRI International, December,
1984.
3. Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, Economic Persoectives,
September/October 1984, pp. 17-18.
4. Doug.las c. Henton and Steven A. Waldhorn, "California:
Inventing the Future through Investment and Innovation,"
Case Study prepared for the Committee for Economic
Development, August 1985, p. 15.
5. Ezra F. Vogel, Comeback, (New York: Simon and Shuster
1985) pp. 243-245.
6. Charles R. Warren, "Economic Development in Indiana: A
Strategic Step," Case Study prepared for the Committee
for Economic Development, Augus.t 1985.
7. Three states --Alabama, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania --
established their departments in the 1930s; seven were
established in the 1940s; twelve in the 1950s; thirteen
in the 1960s; eight in the 1970s; and seven since 1980.
8. Ezra F. Vogel, oo. cit., p. 243.
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ALASKA'S ECONOMIC PRIORITIES: A FIVE-YEAR STRATEGY
Sixth
By
Paula P. Easley
Executive Director
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
807 G Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
Presented to the
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Annual International Conference on Alaska's Resources
"CRISIS IN RESOURCE PRODUCTION:
CAN AMERICA COMPETE?
AND
ALASKA'S COMPETITIVE POSITION:
PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES"
February 12-13, 1986
Anchorage, Alaska
265
. The day after last year's conference, represent~tives of
Alaska communities met in Anchorage to set a course for their
local economic activities. At that meeting RDC was asked to
sponsor three additional workshops during the year to help
communities set priorities and launch programs to create new jobs.
Workshops were subsequently held in Wasilla, Soldotna and
Fairbanks. The second year of our program to set economic
priorities for Alaska begins tomorrow at the Anchorage Assembly
Building on Tudor Road at 9 a.m.
What did we learn and what did we accomplish during this
past year?
Probably most surprising to us, we learned that the citizens
of Alaska communities of all sizes consider themselves pro-
development. Yet their elected officials do not always reflect
this attitude. In discussing various problems communities have
faced, the point was repeatedly made that if elected leaders oppose
development, or didn't understand economic issues, very little
could happen in a community. In certain instances, candidates
campaigned on a platform of "controlled growth" which, after
election, turned into "no-growth."
When I use the words "pro-development," to describe how most
Alaskans perceive themselves, it should be clear that prodevelop-
ment doesn't mean "any kind of development."
Some representatives, particularly those from the smaller
communities, have definite, specific ideas about the kinds of
development projects they'd like to see in their towns. Mining is
fine, so long as it's not too large a project. Logging operations
and forest products industries would be welcomed in these small
towns, if they're not too large. A furniture manufacturing plant
that would train and employ local citizens was considered very
desirable.
Community leaders did recognize the need to expand their tax
bases. They are deeply concerned about their future ability to
fund maintenance and operations costs for facilities and services
that have resulted from Prudhoe -Bay revenues.
Consistent, however, was the strongly-expressed condition
that any new industry not be encouraged or allowed that would
adversely affect an existing one, fisheries being the main concern
here. Interestingly enough, "adverse effect" was also viewed by
some as a super market chain or shopping mall that would compete
with local business. Communities want lower prices and more
variety in good and services, but in some cases influential
citizens discouraged new competition or projects that might lead to
more competition, such as a road to another area of town away from
Main Street.
266
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Nearly all the communities represented at our workshops
wanted economic diversification, though some only on a limited
basis. The lack of surface transportation conne-cting rural
communities or regional centers to smaller communities was seen as
one of the biggest inhibitors to economic diversification.
Economic data showed that those towns with surface access were far
less dependent on state revenues than those without it. The
economies of communities accessible by road or rail were more
diversified and fewer people worked for government. State revenue
declines were believed to have potential for hurting the isolated
communities more because, proportionately, more of their
populations worked for government, and cutbacks would have a
greater impact. The smaller the community, the greater the impact
of reductions in government funded positions and services.
Local hire was a big issue with every community. Workshop
delegates believed hiring and training local people would result in
building a stable workforce, save unemployment and welfare costs
and benefit their economies through expenditures of earned wages.
If new development did not hire local people, they didn't want the
development, unless it left dollars in the community in some other
way.
What else did we learn? We learned there was a tremendous
need for developing and maintaining current information on the
makeup of local economies. Many Alaska communities had virtually
no statistical or demographic information to give potential
investors, or to use for planning and spending decisions. As
communities became aware of the need for this data in developing
their own information banks, they sought assistance from entities
such as the Fairbanks Community Information Center, which has a
model system.
The biggest paradox in community attitudes toward economic
development concerns population growth. They want economic
development, but not necessarily more people. They want shopping
centers, restaurants, medical centers and all kinds of retail
services, tourist facilities, convention centers, and community
halls, without understanding that a certain level of population is
required to support such facilities. And, as I said, they want
their current population to be totally employed before bringing in
a single new resident.
That reminds me of a story one of the speakers at our
conference last year told me. It was Allen Bleiken, head of the
Edmonton Economic Development Authority. Bleiken said a study had
been conducte~ in Edmonton that ~sked people about their attitudes
toward population growth. The questionnaire gave current
population figures and asked what projected increases were
acceptable, with several choices. The first year the study was
done the respondents overwhelmingly selected the figure that was
267
the population they had at that moment. Some years later the study
was done again, and by then 10,000 more people had moved into
Edmonton. Again, the response was "exactly what we have now--we·
don't want more people." Then Edmonton had a huge industrial boom
and the population grew another 70,000. The question was asked
again, and sure enough, people said the ideal population was just
what they had.
In Bleiken's opinion, that example illustrated the point
that people have great fears about how added population will affect
their lifestyles, and justifiably so. But in retrospect, these
same people found that the gains from population growth far
outweighed the losses. The people of Edmonton will tell you
without the slightest bit of hesitation that today theirs is the
best city in the world!
Even more confusing on the population issue were the
projections communi ties made for population growth in the next five
years. Estimates ranged from losses of 20% to increases of over
30%, but few towns could document their estimates. The City of
Valdez projects that, if its economic development program is
successful, there'll be a 50 to 100% increase in population in five
years. From your travels throughout Alaska you probably know which
ones would roll out the red carpet for you and which ones would put
up a fence after they moved in.
We found out the kinds of development Alaska's communities
prefer: Commercial fishing and onshore fish processing, tourism,
petroleum support, transportation services, particularly air and
port-related, retail services of all kinds, petroleum refining,
agriculture, timber harvesting and processing, mining ventures
(remember, these two can't be too large), handicrafts and native
art industries, livestock grazing and production and small
manufacturing of a non-polluting nature. Even if a town served
only as the support base for a major development nearby, it
generally preferred getting the income without the people.
So we see communities often know what they want, but getting
it is another matter. What we have learned these past two days
has heightened our awareness of where work is needed to improve
Alaska's standing in the global marketplace. And tomorrow
community leaders will have a hands-on session designed to help
achieve their goals.
Let's talk about economic development strategies again for a
moment. Why are they so difficult to formulate and put into
action? Because in any diverse society, gaining agreement and
support for anything is always difficult.
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The biggest failure of economic development strategies over
the years has been that they're hard to sell. What good does it do
for a state or local government to formulate a development strategy
if the public won't buy it? What good does it do if the private
sector develops a plan and government and the legislature won't buy
it? Not much.
The Resource Development Council or Commonwealth North, both
of which have intensively studied approaches to improving our
state's economy could do it, but again, who would buy it?
Even the task forces which have dedicated major efforts to
solving specific industry problems--The Agriculture Action Council,
the Timber Task Force, the Mining Advisory Committee--have made
solid recommendations, but can they sell them? How do they get
other industries, the public, the governor and the legislature to
support them?
Alaska communities have formulated local strategies, but
more often than not they haven't worked. Why? Because the package
couldn't be sold to all the parties.
The fact is, when you're talking of selling economic
strategies, you're talking egos, power and politics. And sometimes
one or all three of those elements gets in the way of gaining
support for even the best-designed program.
Scott Fosler told you what happened in Rhode Island over a
year ago. By a 4 to 1 margin, Rhode Island voters rejected a
referendum designed to create 60,000 jobs in seven years and
coordinate industrial development. The Greenhouse Compact planners
pointed to the inability of existing American political
institutions to forge a national industrial policy despite
widespread concern with the economy.
The Compact Commission took great care to eliminate political
representation in its membership. The idea--for economic
development to be "above politics"--seemed at the time to be a good
. one, so the decision was made that those who would be taking the
risks and making the investments would develop the program.
An assumption was made that if Rhode Island's economy were
to develop, all groups in society must sacrifice, abandon old
prejudices and work together •. They said economic development must
be above politics; above labor/management disputes; above
disagreements between proponents of government and antagonists of
government, between those for and against land development and
between those for and against social welfare programs.
After such an overwhelming loss at the polls, a survey was
conducted two days later to find out what happened. What went
wrong when victory had been so optimistically predicted?
269
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I'll be glad to give you a copy of the survey report, but
for now I can only give you a tasle of why the multi-million-dollar
program was opposed. Here are some of the conclusions we should
remember in developing an Alaska strategy:
(1) It was too specific. By proposing specific goals for
designated industries (fishing, jewelry and tourism), it invited
opposition by industries which wouldn't benefit.
(2) Instead of designing an easily understood program, the
1000-page document was exceedingly complex and few voters could
understand it.
(3) It ignored a long-held hostility of residents to high
taxes and proposed $40 million in new taxes.
(4) Rather than negotiating with political entities and
gaining their early support, the Commission insisted that the plan
simply be put to the voters. As observed in the survey report,
"Although never stated explicitly by the Commission, the strategic
assumption behind this approach was that state economic planning
could not work unless democratic support was mobilized on its
behalf."
(5) Leaders of the Compact were not drawn from the citizenry
but instead represented the elite of commercial, financial, labor
and government sectors, people who were believed to control various
sectors of the economy.
(6) The new agency created to implement the program,
governed by the appointed commissioners, was not perceived by the
voters to represent the average citizen's interests. There was a
deep-seated mistrust of the sectoral elites represented on the
Commission.
(7) There was a strong sense of "what's in it for me?" and
most of the voters concluded "not much." They concluded it was
simply a large-scale spending program that would cost them money
and give them few benefits.
An observation, by Anton and West, who analyzed the survey
data, is of interest. "A planning group chosen to represent
economic sectors rather than political constituencies runs the risk
of being cut off from those constituencies. The Strategic
Development Commission in Rhode Island may well have included some
of the best and brightest among the state's institutional elite,
but when push came to shove, no one in the legislature worked hard
to mobilize support for the Commission's plan, no candidate for
major state or local office worked hard for the plan, and even the
governor seemed little more than a half-hearted supporter at the
end." "In American politics, operating outside the established
political institutional structure can be a two-edged sword."
270
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Implications for Alaska
Observing the Greenhouse Compact experience can be helpful
to us·as we explore means of developing strategies to enhance our
own economy.
From our experience we know that economic development plans
devised by state agencies have not been accepted by the populace
and in many cases were not even accepted by other state agencies.
Nor has the populace been able to conceive a plan acceptable to
state administrations and legislatures.
I believe it correct to say that there never has been
consensus on what is needed to enhance Alaska's long-term economic
progress, but that's not to say a lot of people haven't tried.
One of the major problems has been the tendency to look at
economic development issues in isolation, either from other
development concerns or isolated from social and environmental
issues. In the reverse, environmental and regulatory decisions
have frequently been made without analyzing their effects on the
overall economy.
-Statewide and regional port and other transportation planning
have occurred without adequately considering potential industry and
population needs. The same holds true for energy planning. Land
classification and zoning have taken place, often precluding future
industrial opportunities or needs for access.
Each of you could add examples to the list showing how we
have failed to find workable solutions to factors inhibiting
economic progress. But it can be done.
During these two days we have gotten an earful, some good
news and some bad news, relating to Alaska's competitive position.
We have learned of strategies that worked and of those that didn't.
We have a better understanding of what other states are doing and
why. We know we're not alone in the struggle to create jobs, to
protect and enhance our existing industries, to bring in new
ventures and investments.
And we know that Alaska, given its global position as a
resource state, is unique from every other state in its development
goals. For that reason, Alaska's approach to an economic strategy
must, in itself, be uniqueiy tailored if it is to be successful.
A Five-year Strategy
The year 1986 is the second of a five-year undertaking by
the Resource Development Council to bring about positive direction
and action that will lead to an expanding, more balanced economy.
271
For several years the Council has studied the needs of
specific industries, and it can speak to those needs. Commonwealth
North has addressed the issue as well, as have other groups through
the issues and policies they support. But none of us has been
successful in generating the broad, statewide consensus needed to
effect major pol icy changes.
As the first stage of developing a five-year strategy for
achieving Alaska's economic priorities, RDC leaders said direction
should come from the bottom up, so to speak, and not from the top
down. So we charged Alaska communities last year to begin raising
economic development issues on the public policy agenda at the
local level, and they have done that. We asked them, if not
already doing so, to establish economic development task forces
that would identify problems and seek solutions, and they are doing
that. They began looking at where they were, where they wanted to
go and how to get there.
We impressed upon these communities that, by working
together and with their dominant or chosen industries, they could
be a major force in bringing about the changes needed to help
their economies.
Tomorrow morning Scott Fosler and others will meet with
these community leaders, in a sharing effort to solve the most
difficult problem we have encountered--that of identifying the most
workable process or structure for reaching consensus on economic
priorities, a process that will help Alaska avoid the pitfalls of
the Rhode Island experience.
With a process in place that is acceptable to large numbers of
people, we believe it will then be possible to elevate economic
development to the level of a movement. And a powerful movement is
what we need, a movement in which everyone plays a role. We have a
successful environmental movement, why not an economic development
movement?
When such a force is mobilized, the Resource Development
Council can step back and be just one voice among many contributing
to the achievement of major economic goals for our state. In this
formative stage, however, we would like to hear from each of you
with your ideas as to how to pull this movement together and keep
it focused.
Elevating economic development to the level of a movement
will require intense concentration by all elements of Alaska
society, public and private. It will take education, time,
dedication, and a spirit of cooperation by more Alaskans than have
ever been united in a common cause. Only with that spirit of
cooperation can those of us here today and others who share such
dreams meet the challenge of Alaska's competitive position in the
global marketplace. Our livelihoods and those of our children
depend upon how well we do the job.
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APPENDIX A-
Response to Call for Papers
on
Crisis In Resource Production: Can America Compete?
and
Alaska's Competitive Position: Public Policy Issues
273
Joseph M. Gughemetti, President
American Land Alliance
Thursday, February 13, 1986
Address prepared for the
Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
The warnings could not have been clearer. The response was
overwhelming. Never again would America's industrial, economic,
and military system lie hostage to foreign sources of oil and
strategic minerals. We would develop a comprehensive energy
independent program. He would overhaul our natural resource
management system. We would accelerate our offshore oil leasing
program. We would inventory the minerals and oil resources of
our federal lands prior to any wilderness designations. And we
would develop a comprehensive program which assured that in a
short period of time America would become energy independent.
The first warning:
Treasury, William Simon,
Ford stating:
January 14, 1975, Secretary of the
sent a memorandum to President Gerald
"As a result of my investigation, I have found that crude
oil, principal crude oil derivitives and products, and
related products derived from natural gas and coal tar are
being imported into the United States in such quantities as
to threaten to impair the national security •.. "
The second warning: March 14, 1979, Secretary of the
Treasury Blumenthal sent a similar memorandum to President Jimmy
Carter stating:
"The continued threat to the national security which our
investigation has identified requires that we take vigorous
action at this time to reduce consumption and increase
domestic produ~tion of oil and other sources of energy."
The oil embargo of 1973, the Iranian hostage crisis, both,
sent a stinging message to Democratic and Republican leadership
alike. A bipartisan effort was launched, reviewed, and endorsed
for a national energy independent program.
Despite all the political bipartisan rhetoric, nothing has
been done to initiate, let alone, achieve a national energy
independent program. Nothing has been done to overhaul an
outdated, and improperly managed federal stewardship of our
natural resources. It could have occurred under President
Reagan. It did not occur.
274
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Almost 800 million acres of f~deral land await reasonable
land management. And hundreds of millions of acres in private
ownership await implementation of reasonable environmental
safeguards, stripped of excessive and unnecessary bureaucratic
delays. Over a billion acres design~d to serve the multiple use
of varied needs of the American population: recreational,
wilderness, timber harvesting, grazing, farming, but also needed
exploration for oil and mineral production. Yet despite all the
rhetoric of President Reagan's initial Secretary of Interior
James Hatt that they would achieve a meaningful reform of our
national land management programs, beyond relatively minor
adjustments, nothing close to an energy independent program
exists; a new and dynamic management concept for our federal
lands was not created. Thus, as we witnessed rhetoric slings
between environmental groups and James Watt, and as the public
continued in the misperception that the Reagan Administration was
somehow devouring or raping the federal lands, the policies of
the past were continued and have now been accelerated.
As a nation hangs on a precipice of potential economic
disaster our government does nothing. And if nothing is done in
the final three years of this Administration, it may be too late.
Instead of addressing these issues, this Administration has
now signed into legislation more wilderness designation, and its
resulting bans on exploration, than all other administrations
combined in American history. It is this Administration's
Secretary of Interior who eight months ago initially proposed to
ban new oil leasing off 98% of the California coast until the
year 2000. It is this Administration that has refused to fully
implement a review of strategic mineral exploration, an inventory
of mineral resource, and address the future needs of mineral
resources .
What is the coming resource crisis? It lies in a careful
analysis of the current dependence on foreign oil of the western
world; an analysis of the ties between oil dependence and Third
World debts to American banks; and the ever-increasing
possibility that the random act of any one terrorist in the
Hiddle East would trigger by a relatively simple military act,
the termination of oil resources from the Middle East, and
thereby invoke the American guaranteed response contained in the
Carter doctrine and Reagan Corollary: milit~ry confrontation to
preserve access to foreign oil.
Let us_ look at the cold hard facts of energy and
dependence in the world, not the rhetoric, not the
perception, not the complacency of this Administration
entire nation.
mineral
public
and an
In 1974, an analysis following the OPEC oil embargo, showed
that our foreign dependence on oil was 37.5%. What is our
foreign dependence today? 38%, projected to be 44% by 1990, and
52.5% by 1995. Although, the United States has diminished its
reliance on OPEC sources, but a series of commitments to our
275
allies, to strategic military reserves and the our own practical
storage capacity limitations, render the long-term effect of an
OPEC import reduction de minimis in comparison to our overall
problem. The contributing factors are alarming. We maintain a
strategic agreement with our western allies to share available
oil resources in another oil crisis. Japan is now 60% dependent
on OPEC oil sources; West Germany is 26% dependent; France is 42%
dependent; Italy is 65% dependent. And, does it take any great
degree of imagination to envision what will occur to the Western
World economy if Japan, West Germany, France and Italy would
collectively lose over 50% of their oil resources; and the impact
their loss would have on our guarantee to share our oil. Is
there anyone who cannot envision the economic consequences in
inflation, interest rates, and debt resulting from the
deprivation of that source to the Western World. Yet we sit here
and do nothing about it. We sit here and ignore the warnings to
a Democratic and Republican President and the mandate once issued
by a bypartisan Congress.
The media would have you believe that there is a calming
influence by virtue of an enormous oil glut. May I suggest that
glut is illusory, but more importantly, merely the wake before
the storm. The issue is not the amount of oil being thrown into
the world market by OPEC nations at this time. The issue
regarding our energy independence is our capacity to locate and
store domestic oil for a prolonged period of time should a
cut-off occur. From all estimates that I have received, the
so-called domestic oil glut, would in the event of an OPEC or
Third World cut-off, sustain our loss needs for no more than
approximately 90-120 days. The glut in the market does not
address the issue of the potential backup and reserve
requirements of the entire Western industrial world if, the
Middle East finally explodes and a terrorist takes that final
step to close off oil exportation. And the storm that is about
to occur is of enormous consequence. As consumers rejoice over
the impact of current reduced gas prices, they ignore the
strategy of the OPEC nations in creating that surplus: that by
flooding the market at a substantially reduced price, Third World
debtor nations who rely upon oil production for their ongoing
economy, will not survive this competitive market. And when OPEC
has eliminated them from this competitive pool, OPEC will once
again establish the controlling monopoly on oil for a significant
part of the industrial world. As that price per barrel drops
daily, what will be the impact on the major competitive oil
producers now servicing the United States? What will be the
impact on debt written !vlexico who produces oil, but has a 96
billion dollar deficit to American banks? What will be the impact
on oil producing Venezuela that has a 35 billion dollar debt with
American banks? And how did those debts even occur in the first
place. In great part they occurred by virtue of the inflation
and economic recession that occurred following the first oil
embargo, when Central American governments borrowed heavily from
American banks, which in turn supplied the money from extensive
investments from Arab nations who were selling the oil. Does it
take much imagination to envision, that a slight but prolonged
276
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depression in oil prices throughout the world could finally
trigger a default on Central American bank loans?
So the issue we face is twofold. First, is the United
States prepared in any realistic capacity for another cut off of
OPEC oil? The answer is demonstratively no. By virtue of the
extensive commitment of Western Europe to OPEC sources for oil,
by virtue of our treaty commitments, and by virtue of our own
limited storage capacity, we are in no better position than 1973,
and in fact, I stand here to tell you today, that we are in a
brink of an economic disaster should but a series of events
occur, like a domino effect, out of the Middle East. And our
leaders do nothing.
Second, are we as a nation prepared to respond quickly to a
cut off of OPEC oil by accelerated exploration and deployment of
our reserves, or do we face the Carter doctrine-Reagan corollary
alternative: an act of war. The answer to that question is also
unequivocal. Because of delays and environmental restrictions
attributable to resource production, there is no capacity, I
repeat, there is no capacity of the United States to respond on a
timely basis to accelerated resource production to meet any
imminent emergency. And it is for that reason, that President
Carter and President Reagan both committed that in the event of
the cut off of oil, the United States would commit our country to
war in a Third World nation to guarantee access for oil there
that is not politically expedient to explore here.
And vvhat have we done in the last 10 years to relieve
America of a frightening and potentially devastating reliance
upon foreign strategic minerals? With some exceptions, again vve
have done nothing of substance. Let us take just a brief view of
four of the most critical minerals necessary for industrial
American. Chromium is a super alloy essential for making
stainless steel and in combination with other minerals necessary
to establish products resistent to corrosion, oxidation or
intense heat. Both its primary material and its mineral form
supply a vast range of necessary industrial products from support
for steel, to combustion sections of jet engines, to stress
resistent products of springs and bearing steels, to steel
furnaces, boiler fire boxes, foundries, truck parts, metal
treatments -the list is endless.
Cobalt is an essential element for tool bits, magnetic
alloys, high strength steel and aids in the refining of petroleum
and manufacturing of chemi~als.
Manganese is essential in steel making and is also the most
economic way to increase steel's hardness.
Platinum and its group metals are necessary in petroleum
refining, chemical processing, automotive exhaust treatment and
numerous other products.
277
Again, it is not difficult to imagine what would happen to
America's industrial capacity if access to these strategic
minerals were terminated. Yet we sit here today with frightening
dependence on foreign sources for those minerals, who themselves
face explosive political climates. The United States has an 82%
dependence on foreign imports of chromium, of which 55% comes
from South Africa. The United States has a 95% dependence on
foreign imports for cobalt, of which 49% comes from South Africa.
The United States has a 99% foreign dependence on manganese, of
which 31% comes from South Africa; and finally the United States
has a 91% foreign dependence of platinum, of which 49% comes from
South Africa. And are you watching the daily news out of South
Africa? And have you considered the impact of a full fledged
civil war in South Africa; and have you considered the further
impact of a communist led African league that would like to take
over South Africa? And instead of addressing our own capacity to
explore and develop our own strategic minerals, in advance of
that crisis, and before the resulting effect on the American
economy, we expend our greatest efforts, our most extensive
rhetoric and our overwhelming financial assistance to dialogue
changes in the racial policies of South Africa. How
irresponsible can we be?
There was a concept -in fact, a requirement, that before
the United States placed in permanent reserves massive
landholdings under the classification wilderness, we would
inventory those lands to determine the location and amount of
strategic minerals. ~"lhatever happened to that massive inventory
requirement? It has been ignored.
Instead, this Administration passes wilderness designation
after wilderness designation, systematically locking up the
strategic future of the United States.
The greatest frustration occurs by the lack of
sophistication of those who should know better, when those
responsible for the natural resource questions that affect the
economic stability of the United States, lack even the bare
understanding of the process. Last year, when Secretary Hodel
announced a tentative agreement with environmentalists to ban oil
leasing off 98% of the California coast to the year 2000, he
attempted to alleviate fears that a potential crisis could occur
by placing within the agreement a provision for a presidential
declaration of emergency which would allow immediate exploration.
How in the world did Secretary Hodel conceive that the President
would have the authority to suspend over 48.federal environmental
laws without a legal challenge in the court system that could
delay, defer or terminate that declaration? How in the world did
Secretary Hodel conceive that a declaration of emergency by the
President would address the practical realities which preclude
the production of oil until an average of 10 years after the
leasing event?
In California, litigation has commenced by the Coastal
Commission or environmentals groups at the first act of potential
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oil production -the leasing cycle. The leasing cycle alone can
be held up for years in federal court before the second cycle
even commences. And even when that second cycle of exploration
commences, lawsuits have been filed in the federal court among
other grounds to stay the operation of exploratory vessels
because of the potential impact of their exploratory devices on
the serenity of whales. And I am not kidding. That lawsuit was
filed.
We are walking a slow straight line to an economic diasater,
or an insane military intervention in the Middle East. It is as
if no one wants to look at the other end of the tunnel and see
where we are headed. It is as if no one listened to the lesson
of history, or no one cares, or it is politically expedient to
ignore those issues at this time. And as in the past, America
will learn its lesson only after it is too late, only after there
is a crisis, only after there is a depression triggered by one
act in the Middle East -and the events will unfold like dominos
-and no one has a contingency plan available for the Western
World. Certainly we don't.
It is for these reasons that the American Land Alliance last
year joined with numerous other groups to encourage Senator
Richard Lugar, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, to
conduct for the first time foreign policy overviews based on the
extent to which our foreign policy is dictated by foreign
resource dependence -both oil and strategic minerals. He has
agreed to conduct those hearings. They are perhaps our last
chance to bring to the attention of the American people, to the
media, and perhaps finally to our own elected officials, that wi
face a potential disaster. It is perhaps a last chance to explain
to the American people the series of foreign policy dominos which
would fall by act of a single terrorist to disrupt oil
production, and the resulting economic impact first on Western
Europe, than on Third World debtor nations, and finally and most
assuredly 90-120 days thereafter on the entire American economy.
We need to bring to America's consciousness, this reality. We
need to jar loose some action. We need to prepare a long-range
plan that addresses these issues now, before the event, rather
than after the event. In essence, we need to abide by the
commitment made almost a decade ago and not implemented by either
party, either President, or the United States Congress. It must
start now -it must start with a comprehensive review of our
foreign policy decisions and their relationship to oil dependence
and strategic mineral dependence.
In addition, we must forge a new land management policy. We
must initiate a comprehensive review of resource management in
order to draft a comprehensive energy independent program. A
comprehensive package of oil deployment, nuclear reactors, water
projects, alternative energy sources, and conservation. As I
address you today, this Administration plans _ to reduce mileage
requirements for new American automobiles at the same time that
our dependence in foreign oil increases daily. That is an insane
policy. We call upon every group, every business, every
279
alliance, every group of individuals to join with us again in a
renewed and urgent endorsement to Senator Lugar to proceed with
comprehensive hearings on the relationship of foreign policy to
foreign dependence on oil and strategic minerals. We call upon
you to join with us in forging a demand for a new comprehensive
management plan in the United States which achieves first a
thorough inventory of our known resources, and then establishes a
comprehensive plan by which in decade, through primary energy
sources, alternative sources, and conservation, the United States
can become 100% energy independent and thus never again place its
economy, its military security, its well-being on the whim of
Third World politics.
It is so easy for us to be comfortable -comfortable when
the economy is soaring (as it did in 1928), comfortable in
inflation that is down (during a temporary flood of the oil
market), and complacent in the good times attitude of this
Administration. It is much more difficult to ignore the present
economic conditions and favorable economic climate that may last
for a year or two, or even five years more, and ignore our
obligation to a future generation to address to an urgent
problem.
It is not politically expedient to say those things now. It
does not reflect a temperate attitude. It does not reflect calm
and serene complacency. But if you care about this country, you
will have the courage to act now, to speak up now, to harness
-future events before they occur.
I encourage all of you then, to join the American Land
Alliance's request that we address this issue now in advance of
the problems which I envision, and by so doing demonstrate that
we have learned the lessons of history. We must begin anew a
comprehensive new management plan of all lands in the United
States. We have three years remaining to find some means, some
manner, some mode of communication, to bring this to the
attention, the leadership and the direction of President Reagan
before his term expires. It must be done now.
280
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A THREE POINT PROGRAM TO ENHANCE
ALASKA'S ECONOMY
by
BOB RICHARDS
Candidate for Governor
PRESENTED TO
SIXTH ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ALASKA'S RESOURCES
RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL FOR ALASKA, INC.
ANCHORAGE, ALASKA
FEBRUARY 13, 1986
281
~----~---------
The vast potential of Alaska presents an exciting opportunity for
Alaskans to gain impressive advancement in both economic growth and the
quality of life. The challenge is to achieve consistent, smooth, strong
economic growth that is environmentally sound and socially responsible.
This paper outlines a three-point program to achieve this objective.
Point number one is the establishment of a consistent, favorable en-
vironment for investment in Alaska by business finns\. Opportunities
for our small and medium locally owned businesses usually depend
upon the development of our resources which in turn largely depends
upon investment by firms in the resource extraction industries.
Business leaders pride themselves on being risk takers. Indeed,
return onin\estment is the reward for taking risk, and here in
Alaska we see risk taking of all types by both small local firms and
large multinational corporations.
But there is one kind of risk that is anethma to the business mentality.
It is political risk--the risk associated with politicians making short
run politically expedient decisions.
The first step, then, to achieving sound economic growth is to reduce
political risk by creating an environment that is consistently friendly
toward investment by private industry.
When I say an environment that is friendly to business, I do not mean
letting big business roll over the State of Alaska. Clearly, one of
282
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the glorious developments in our society has been our concern over
protecting the environment, insuring safe working conditions, and other
enlightened behavior. And, clearly, any corporation that operates in
Alaska should behave as a responsible corporate citizen.
When I say a friendly atmosphere, I mean an atmosphere that under-
stands basic economics, an atmosphere that is characterized by con-
sistent tax laws and other statutes which effect business investment,
and an atmosphere that is constructive and creative rather than ad-
versarial and bent on throwing sand in the gears.
~ Some of the things that we have done have been bafflingly absurd. Can
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you imagine in your wildest dreams that, upon a fall in the price of
oranges, the State of Florida panickly increasing the taxes on citrus
growers? Yet that is precisely what has been proposed by some here
in Alaska when our major industry faced decreasing revenues .
The petroleum industry is Alaska's vanguard industry, and over the
past decade we Alaskans, on our own accord, have established a relation-
ship with this industry that places our fortunes in bed with the petro-
leum industry.
Hence, it is critical to encourage and stimulate the growth of Alaska's
other basic industries: fishing, forest products, tourism, hardrock
mining, agriculture, and contruction. An aggressive program to foster
diversification should be pursued by the State of Alaska.
But just like diversification, there is another importan~ concept in
283
economics--the law of comparative advantage. Simply stated, it means
that an economy is best off if it plays its strong suit.
And our strong suit is oil and gas, and vigorous pursuit of broadening
our economic base will include encouraging development of oil and gas
whose potential in Alaska has barely been tapped.
Therefore, the State of Alaska should be constructive and consis-
tent in its posture toward the petroleum industry--indeed, in our
posture toward every industry.
Let us now turn our attention to the second element to achieving con-
sistent economic growth.
Our state government is unique. In no other state in our country is
state government such an important participant in the economy. This
is because of two things. First, our state government is a major
employer. Second, our state government owns over one-fourth of the
land (28% to be exact).
The implication of this is that it is not sufficient for our state
simply to perform the normal roles performed by most other state
governments. It is not sufficient for our State just to be a regu-
lator or a responder and reactor to proposals put forth by others.
Indeed, if the State of Alaska is going to fulfill its responsibilities
to its citizens, it is also important that the State play another role:
284
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initiator. The State of Alaska should initiate projects and activities
that serve as a catalyst to stimulate further investment by the private
sector.
'
I find it perplexing that NANA Regional Corporation and Cominco, who
are pursuing the Red Dog Mine, had to beg the State of Alaska to be-
come a participant in the project.
Rather, if our State is going to successfully compete with other states
,_~
and nations for investment by business firms and create jobs by ex-
panding our economic base, then our State is going to have to initiate
~
--' projects. The State of Alaska should say, "we will invest in the
-, port and road facilities if you will invest in the other mine facilities.
--' And yes," says the State of Alaska, "we will charge you a fee for use
--,
of our facilities so that we get an appropriate rate of return and
the project will not represent any subsidy provided by the citizens of
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Alaska."
At the very same time that Alaska was reluctantly considering parti-
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cipating in the Red Dog project, premiers of Canadian provinces and
--~ governors of other states were inviting Cominco representatives into
their states, showing them the mineral resources, and meeting with them
on ways in which their states and provinces might make it easier for
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Cominco to invest in projects that will further the development of their
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particular state or province.
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Now, lest I be misinterpreted, Cominco is not important as an end in
~~ itself. What is important is the healthy, prosperous advancement of
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this glorious part of the globe which we call Alaska. And in order to
L have a consistent, advancement which creates job opportunities
[ for people and creates a flow of funds for parks and bike paths and
285
concerts and outdoor art fairs, then it is the State's responsibility
to initiate action which attracts investment by Cominco and other pri-
vate enterprises.
So I have discussed two elements that are going to attract this in-
vestment. First is the creation of an environment that is friendly
to business--business that behaves responsibly. Second is the state
government to initiate projects which serve as a catalyst for further
investment by the private sector while generating an attractive finan-
cial return for state government.
This brings me to the third element. This is an element that is clearly
understood by every shop owner throughout our State, by every real
estate agent, by every small business person throughout Alaska.
The third element is that, after we have the product--and the product
being a friendly atmosphere for investment in which the State assists
in initiating projects--then this product has to be sold.
As any sales person knows, effective sales does not mean giving away
the store. Good effective sales means going out and convincing the
customer to buy the features of the product which you are offering.
And this is exactly what the State of Alaska should be doing.
In this regard, let us turn our attention across the Pacific to where
Alaska's economic destiny lies. As an economist I find it more than
intriguing that on the western side of the Pacific Rim are Japan,
Korea, and Taiwan, three of the world's most rapidly growing economies,
and on the eastern side of the Pacific is Alaska, an immense and pol-
itacally secure source of raw materials badly needed by these economies;
yet, there is negligible trade between the two.
286
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The reason more trade does not exist between Alaska and Asia is largely
because Alaska has not been effectively or consistently sold.
-, The Department of Commerce and Economic Development should be re-
oriented into an effective sales organization. We must recognize
that the world market for our resources is not a seller's market. It
is a buyer's market.
But first, before we ever leave the shores of Alaska to go on a selling
=-~
trip, there is a great deal of work to do determining precisely what
is is we are offering for sale. Our resources must be inventoried,
sustained yields established, and specific proposals prepared.
In conclusion, to avoid the economic stagnation that seems to be before us
' and to achieve consistent strong economic growth that is environmen-
tally and socially responsible, the State of Alaska must abandon its
__.,
destructive, adversarial relationship with the private sector and adopt
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a constructive, creative relationship with business, initiating pro-
jects and selling specific proposals.
__J
To accomplish this three-part program requires the emergence of a Grand
Alliance between the public sector and the private sector: a con-
structive partnership between government, business, and labor.
~
I am not suggesting that one side will sell out to the other.
=:;;
Rather, I am suggesting a marriage like any strong marriage wherein
~ each partner maintains his and her independence; wherein each partner
clearly fulfills his and her individual aspirations; but wherein each
partner recognizes that the union results in the whole being greater
than the sum of the parts.
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I am suggesting this because the way to create jobs is through business
investment in our basic resources which in turn stimulates growth of
locally owned enterprises.
And the way to stimulate business investment is through creative co-
operation by state government. Hence, we must move forward to a new
era in Alaska, described as a Grand Alliance between the public sector
and the private sector.
288
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OpDortunities for Enhancing A.laska•s Economy
by
John A. Sandor
Although private and government resource managers have
encountered serious obstacles in efforts to explore and develop
Alaska 1 s natural resources, these obstacles can be alleviated.
With special initiatives and strategies, Alaska•s economic
future can be greatly improved.
Opportunities include:
l. EDUCATION, INVENTORY AND RESEARCH
This is one of the essential foundation blocks to sound
resource management and development. Alaska National Interest
Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA) designations were often made
without adequate knowledge of resource values.
Improved inventories of resource values and the methods of
accessing and developing natural resources will help define the
opportunities for successful development. Good inventories will
also help assure protection of the environment and all
resources.
Research is essential in the development of new or improved
products from Alaska•s various resources. This is important if
we are to improve our marketing position within and outside
Alaska .
Education-research in international trade, economic and
business practices must also be improved, so that Alaskans can
better compete in the market places of the world.
2. TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM STRATEGY FOR ALASKA
Access is another basic requirement for the successful
development of natural resources and for the sound growth of
new or expanded communities. ·Road, railroads, aircraft and
marine transportation systems are all important to the
improvement of Alaska•s econo~y.
A number of transportation initiatives have been undertaken,
but they usually focused on single-use objectives. This is
understandable because the need for transportation was often
linked to a specific project.
Paper by John A. Sandor, formerly Regional Forester, U.S. Forest
Service and Member of the Alaska Land Use Council. Now, Owner
Alaska-Pacific Rim Enterprises, PO Box 1135, Juneau, Alaska 99802.
289
Although the development of a transportation system for one
resource might not be economically feasible, the development of
such a system for multiple purposes could justify the
investment needed. Greater investments should be made in
integrated transportation systems which serve both the public
and private sectors.
Cost-share agreements between private land owners and adjacent
government land managers can effectively be used to develop
transportation systems which serve both land managers.
Integrated infrastructure development would encourage the
growth of industries and also meet community expansion
objectives.
3. DEVELOPt~ENT OF ENERGY INTERTIE SYSTH1S
It is also important to proceed with the development of
improved and more efficient energy generating and distribution
systems. The lower prices of oil may discourage development of
other energy sources in the short run. However, the world will
again be facing an energy crisis, as oil supplies diminish and
markets are controlled.
Because of the geographic distribution of communities and
resource values, energy intertie systems should be extended.
Such systems should not only link Alaska communities where
feasible, but also consider intertie links with Canadian power
sources.
In addition to the development of hydroelectric projects,
industries which have the potential of generating power as a
secondary product should be encouraged to do so. For example,
sawmills at Haines and Klawock both had the potential of
supplying electric power to local communities but encountered
barriers to developing such power or linking into the community
systems. Use of wood waste or low valued wood products for
power generation can significantly improve the economic
viability of small and large mills.
4. GREATER cm~t·1ITf.1ENT TO ~1UL TIPLE USE MANAGE~1ENT
The Alaska Constitution together with Federal and State laws
provide for multiple use management of public lands.
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Decades of multiple use management throughout the United States
clearly demonstrate the merits of this form of management. Yet
increasing blocks of federal and state lands in Alaska have
been and are being withdrawn or are classified with management
restricted to single-use or limited resource objectives.
For example, in Southeast Alaska, 65% of the forest lands
capable of producing commercial forest products are already
withdrawn from commercial timber production. Mineral
exploration and development is also often prohibted on these
lands. Nevertheless, efforts continue to withdraw additional
areas from timber and mineral development.
5. ELIMINATE REDUNDANT GOVERNMENT STUDIES, PERMITS, PROCESSES,
AND CONTROLS
One of the major obstacles to sound resource development is the
redundant requirements of federal, state and local government
agencies. These redundant requirements result in repeated
project delays, increase costs and discourage investments which
can enhance the local and state economy.
Although each level of government has a legitimate regulatory
responsibility, redundant processes can be eliminated while
sti II assuring campi iance \•lith all laws and protection of the
public interest.
6. INCENTIVES TO ENCOURAGE THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALASKA INDUSTRIES
The State of Alaska should enact legislation to enable state
and local governments to grant tax and other incentives to
encourage industrial development projects in the State.
Such authority was available in Alaska until repealed during
the prosperous period of high oil revenues.
By using such incentives, the British Columbia Provinicial
Government has just been successful in encouraging one of the
major US_forestproduct ~irms to build a $4Qmillion~aferboard
plant at Dawson Creek in Northeastern British Columbia. This
will bring 400 new jobs to that area. It should be noted that
the forest products produced will have to be shipped over 600
miles by rail to seaport and then on by barge to the West
Coast. Alaska had the timber supply, local markets and direct
seaport access, but inadequate incentives. This is one of the
reasons that more than 70% of the forest products used along
Alaska•s Railbelt are imported from British Columbia and the
contiguous 48 states.
291
7. EXTEND EFFORTS TO PROMOTE ALASKA PRODUCTS IN FOREIGN MARKETS
The market potential in the Pacific Rim and other regions of
the world is tremendous. Although efforts have been underway
to promote fisheries, agricultural, forest, oil, gas, minerals
and other products, the potential has been barely tapped.
Alaska forest _products exports to Japan· is less than 1 percent
of the total wood imports of that country. The Peoples Republic
of China, South Korea and Taiwan provide an even greater
opportunity for export of forest and other Alaska products.
Alaska trade missions to these countries the past six years
have been an excellent start. Efforts by the Alaska Seafood
Marketing Institute have also been good. This type of creative
marketing should be extended to other Alaska products.
National efforts to assure fair trade practices ana improved
market access to these and other countries should be supported.
Provisions of the Export Trading Act of 1982 may also be
beneficial to some of Alaska•s export industries.
8. ;·;ECREATION AND TOURISf4
Although there have been substantial and steady increases in
the recreation and tourist industries, there are many more
opportunities for growth.
Special initiatives are needed to provide visitors with the
opportunity to enjoy Alaska•s extraordinary natural resource
values. For example tens of thousands of travellers from
foreign countries stop at Anchorage•s international airport,
enroute to other destinations. Most never leave the airport,
but simply wait for the resumption of their flight. Visitor
information facilities at the airport should be expanded to
illustrate the recreation opportunities throughout the state.
_ The private sector should-also be encouraged to-invest in-the
development of recreation facilities on private or public lands
so that visitors may have a geater variety of locations and
activities to visit and enjoy. Current efforts to bring the
Winter Olympic Games to Alaska is an excellent example of what
should be done.
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9. THE ALASKA LAND USE COUNCIL
The Alaska Land Use Council, established under authority of
ANILCA, provides an excellent opportunity for the State of
Alaska, Federal agencies and major private land owners with the
opportunity to work together in effectively implementing the
Alaska Lands Act.
Substantial .cooperative work has been done, but funding
reductions threaten the future work of the Council. The State,
Private and Federal entities involved should explore
opportunities for improving their cooperative ventures and work
toward restoration of the operating funds for this important
organization.
AL/\SKA 1 S FUTURE IS VERY BRIGHT
It is exciting to consider the many opportunities to improve
Alaska•s economy.
Although there ~re problems and barriers to the fulfillment of
many of these opportunities, they can be overcome.
Cooperation and mutual support is a key to the achievement of
these initiatives and objectives. I am optomistic that most
Alaskans would support such efforts.
Hith that cooperation, Alaska•s economic future is very bright.
293
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APPENDIX B
List of Conference Attendees
Resource Development Council for Alaska, Inc.
Sixth Annual International Conference on Alaska's Resources
Crisis in Resource Production: Can America Compete?
and
Alaska's Competitive Position: Public Policy Issues
295
------------------------------------------~---
[
[
LIST OF THOSE ATTENDING .
Resource Development Council Conference [
Crisis in Resou~c~ Production: Can A~erica Compete? -
Alaska•s Competitive Position: Public Policy Issues
February 12-13, 1986 [
Sheraton Anchorage Hotel "
We regret any errors, omissions, or incomplete addresses. This list is based [·
on the best information available from the registration forms.
__ j
Aberle, Bill
Dev. Specialist
AK Dept. of C.E.D.
3601 "C" St., #722
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 563-2989
Abraham, George
Vice President -Special Projects
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 6612
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 564-5456
Adam, Capt. Bill
No. Star Terminal & Stevedore
P.O. Box 102019
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
(907) 272-7537
Adley, Diane
Alaska Administrative Assistant
Sohio-Alaska
P.O. Box 6612
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 564-5484
Anders, Gary
Associate Professor of Economics
University of Alaska
Bi 11 Ray Center
Juneau, AK 99801
(907) 789-4402
Anderson, James
Director, Division of Technical Services
Department of Natural Resources
3601 C Street
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 786-2292
Anderson, John
Director
Department of Trade
State of Washington
101 G.A. Building MS AX 13
Olympia, WA 98504
(206) -753-7426
Andel"son, Nels
City Council
City of Dillingham
P.O. Box 191
Dillingham, AK 99576
Anderson, Sharon
Secretary Treasurer
Anderson Tug and Barge
P. 0. Box 1315
Seward, AK 99664
(907) 224-5506
Anderson, Sharon
Humana Hospital Alaska
Pouch 8-AH
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 264-1722
Anderson II I, John "Andy"
Anderson Tug and Barge
P.O. Box 1315
Seward, AK 99664
(907) 224-5506
Angaiak, John
Orutsararmuit Native Council
Box 967
Bethel, AK 99559
Archer, Margaret
Office Manager
Pittsburg Testing Laboratory
700 W. 58th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 561-7086
Ashby, Kathy
Student
University of Alaska
1200 "I" Street, #710
Anchorage, AK 99501
Atwood, Robert
Publisher
The Anchorage Times
Anchorage, AK
(907) 263-9100
Bagley, Walter
Consultant
Stone & Webster Engineering Corporation
241-A Eagle River Loop Road
Eagle River, AK 99577
(907) 276-1583
Bailey, Cindy
Legislative Assistant
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Bainton, Marge
~1ayor
City of Bethel
P.O. Box 388
Bethel, AK 99559
(907) 543-2097
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Baker,. F. Gregory c· Deputy Commissioner
Alaska Department of Commerce _,
and Economic Development
P.O. Box D
Juneau, AK 99811 r'
(907) 465-2501 ~
Baker, Richard
President
.Mrs. Paul's Kitchens Inc.
5830 Henry Avenue
Philadelphia, PA 19128
(215) 433-4000
Baldwin, Carolyn
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Harza Engineering Co. [
900 West 5th. Ave., Suite 700 .
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-0471
Baldwin, Richard
Armeld Consultants
2900 Boniface Parkway, Suite
Anchorage, AK 99504
(907) 338-5256
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Barker, Benny [-
Business Agent -
Teamsters Local 959 -
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510 [--
(907) 333-2311
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Barker, Wal-ly
Stone & Webster Engineering Corp.
P.O. Box 104479
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 276-1583
Barnett, James
Deputy Commissioner
Alaska Department of Natural Resources
P.O. Box 7-005
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
(907) 762-2461
Barnwell, Charlie
Arctic Slope Consulting Engineers
313 "E" Street, Suite 2
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
(907) 276-1516
Barry, Paul
Borough Assembly
Mat-Su Borough
P.O. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4801
Bartholomew, Ralph
Ketchikan Borough Assembly
Ketchikan Gateway Borough
344 Front Street
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 225-6151
Basch, George
V.P. Corp. Planning
Alaska ~1utual Bank
P.O. Box 49003
Anchorage, AK 99509
( 907) 264-2776
Bash, Dennis
ERA Helicopters, Inc.
6160 So. Airpark Drive
Anchorage, Anchorage 99502
(907) 248-4422
Basi, Raghbir
Director/Professor
Alaska Pacific University
4101 Universi~y Dr.
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 561-1266
Becker, Chuck
Director Government Affairs
Brown & Root U.S.A., Inc.
6900 Arc~ic Blvd.
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 267-7150
Beeson, Don
General Manager
Seward Fisheries (div. of Icicle Seafoods, Inc.)
3424 W. International Airport Rd.
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 248-4044
Bei stl i ne, Earl
Owner ·
Beistline Consulting
P.O. Box 80148
Fairbanks, AK 99708
(907) 452-5356
Bendio, Ric
Morrison-Knudsen Engineering
550 Battery, #1211
San Francisco, CA 94111
.( 415) 788-3145
Benett, Renata
Marketing Supervisor
Totem Ocean Trailer.Express, Inc.
P.O. Box 24908
Seattle, WA · 98124
206-628-9222
Blachman, William
Director, Business Programs
Anchorage Community College
2533 Providence Dr.
Anchorage, Alaska 99508
(907) 786-1135
Blackmore, Jim
President
Alaska Maritime Agencies
2101 Fourth Avenue, Suite 1410
Seattle, Washington 98121
(206) 441:-0520
Blackwell, John
Manager, Alaska Operations
Englehard Industries
6670 Wes Way
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 563-3123
Blair, Edwin
Electrical Engineer
Retired
334 E. 9th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 277-1325
-Blodgett, Bob
Senator
P.O. Box 645
Teller, Alaska 99778
(907) 642-3333
Boden, Wayne
District Manager
Bureau of Land Management
6881 Abbott Loop Rd.
Anchorage, AK 99507
~·-·---~----~---~~----
Boone, Earl
Chief, Branch of Fluid &
Solid Minerals
BLM Alaska State Office
701 "C" Street, Box 13
Anchorage, AK 99513
(907) 271:-3114
Booth, Jerry
Manager, Alaska Operations
Cominco Alaska Incorporated
5660 B Street
Anchorage, AK 99518
907-563-3686
Boyd, Paul
City Council
City of Ketchikan
334 Front Street
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 225-3111
Bradshaw, Glenda
Director of Contracts
Northwest Technical Services, Inc.
P.O. Box 141823
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 338-4900
Bramstedt, Jr., Al
KTUU General Manager
606 !~. 4th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-5807
B ri tch, Robert
Vice President
Northern Technical Services, Inc.
750 W. 2nd Avenue, #100
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-4302
Britt, Julie
Sales Representative
Alaska Airlines
4750 W. International Airport Rd.
Anchorage, AK 99502
Broderick, Phil
Division Manager
Gray Line of Alaska
P.O. Box 100479
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 277-5581
Brooks, Ronald
Geological Engineer
Ronald A. Brooks & Associates
317 Slater Drive West
Fairbanks, AK 99701
(907) 452-3481
Brossia, Jerry L.
State of AK, DNR· -
4420 Airport \~ay
Fairbanks, AK 99709
(907) 479-0907
297
Brown, Dean
Division of Agriculture
P.O. Box 949
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-7200
Brown, Kay
Director
Alaska Division of Oil & Gas
Dept. of Natural Resources
P.O. Box 7034
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 762-4241
Brown, Louise
Assistant Economist
Alaska Pacific Bank
P.O. Box 100420 ·
Anchorage, AK 99510
Brownfield, Bo
Regional Manager
Acres International
1577 "C" St., Suite 305
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-9631
Buness, Everett
President
Arctic Slope Regional Corp.
313 E Street, Suite 2
Anchorage, AK 99501
Burggraf, Roger
Tri Com Mining Co.
830 Ship Creek Rd.
Fairbanks, Alaska 99701
Burke, Karen
Fairbanks No. Star Borough
P.O. Box 1267
Fairbanks, Alaska 99707
{907) 452-4761
. Burns, 11ichael
President and CEO
Alaska Pacific Bank
P.O. Box 420
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 564-0250
Campbell, Kelly
Owner
Kelly Gay Investments
826 Overlook Place
Anchorage, AK 99501
{907) 274-4207
Campbell, McKie
Senior Advisor
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
(907) 465-4907
Cannington, Nancy
Special Assistant to the Commissioner
Alaska Department of Labor
Pouch 7-018
Anchorage, AK 99510
Capasso, Alexander
Commercial Loan Officer
Alaska USA Federal Credit Union
3508 Heartwood Place
Anchorage, AK 99504
Carlo, Walter
Board Member
Doyon Limited
P.O. Box 74240
Fairbanks, AK 9g707
{907) 452-4755
Carmichael, James
Afognak Native Corp.
413 Rezanof East
Kodiak, AK 99615
(907) 486-6014
Casey, Valerie
3813 Arkansas, Apt. 1
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 248-5670
Cavett, Melvin
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P. 0. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 333-2311
Champion, John
Regional Director
Grandmet Ahtna
2525 Gambell Street, Suite 303
Anchorage, Alaska 99503
( 907) 276-1310
Chase, Vern
Marketing Director
Port of Valdez
P.O. Box 307
Valdez, AK 99686
Clark, Jim
Manager
Bristol Bay Borough
Box 189
Naknek, AK 99633
( 907} 246-4224
Clark, Veronica
AK Dept. Natural Resources
Pouch 7-005
Anchorage, AK 99510
{907) 762-4416
Coghill, Sen. Jack
Senate Resources Comm.
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-4907
Coghill, William
Planning Manager
Alaska Railroad Corp.
P .0. Box 7-2111
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
{907) 265-2667
Comstock, Earl
Bering Sea Fishermans Assoc.
632 Christianson Drive
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-6519
Connelly, Steve
Genera 1 r~anager
So. Central Timber Dev. Co.
255 E. Fireweed Lane
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 279-1493
Conner, Floyd
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 333-2311
Conners, Michael
Planning Commission
~1at-Su Borough
P.O. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4801
Constantino, Steven
President
Bethel Chamber of Commerce
P.O. Box 329
Bethel, AK 99559
Conyers, Ed
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 333-2311
Cook, Donald
Dean
School of Mineral Engineering
University of Alaska
Fairbanks, AK 99775
(907) 474-7366
Cook, Tom
Chevron U.S.A.
P.O. Box 107839
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 786-6600
Coti, Nick
International Trade Specialist
Office of International Trade
Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
Pouch D
Juneau, AK 99811
(907) 465-2590
298
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Craddock, C.D.
Project Director
Harza-Ebasco Susitna Joint Venture
711 H Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
907-264-9371
Creed, Christine
Area Compliance Technologist
Chevron Alaska
P.O. Box 107839
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 786-6600
Cunningham, Laurie
Special Asst. to the Commissioner
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
3201 "C" St., Suite 722
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 562-2728
Curlee, Jerry
Manager of General Business & Oil
ALASC0/4, Inc.
P.O. Box 196607
Anchorage, AK 99519
( 907) 264-7000
Curtis, Brad
Principal Geologist
Arctic Slope Consulting Engineers
313 E Street, Suite 2
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-1516
Cushing, Michael
State of A~aska,
Municipal & Regional Assistance
Pouch BH
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-4750
Cypra, Steve
Borough Assembly
Hat-Su Borough
P .0. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
( 907) 745-4801
Daly, John
Mitsui Consulate
1911 Cherokee
Anchorage, Alaska
(907) 333-0294
Danner, Frank
Partner
Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co.
601 W. 5th Ave., Suite 700
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-7401
Darnell, Stephen
Senior Financial Analyst
ARCO Alaska, Inc.
P.O. Box 100360
Anchorage, AK 99510
---~------------~------------------
Davidge, Ric
U.S. Fish & Wildlife
3501 Admiralty Bay
Anchorage, AK 99515
( 907) 786-3435
Davies, Brian
Vice President, Prudhoe Bay Unit Programs
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Davis, Gary
City of So 1 dotna
Box 409
Soldotna, AK 99669
(907) 262-9107
Deagan, Jim
Alaska Dept. of.Commerce & Econ. Dev.
Division of Mineral Dev.
Pouch EE
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-2023
Delbecq, Janet
Manager, Advertising/Public Relations
MARKAIR
P.O. Box 190769
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 243-1414
Demmert, Victoria
Office r~anager
Yak-Tak Kwaan
P.O. Box 416
Yakutat, AK 99689
(907) 784-3335
Denton, Pedro
Director
Division of Mining
Department of Natural Resources
P.O. Box 7016
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 762-4222
Denton, Steve
Sr. Mining Engineer
Pool Engineering, Inc.
1225 Tongass Avenue
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 225-6626
DePl and, Hugh
Director, Alaskan Public Affairs
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Devens, John
Mayor
City of Valdez
P.O. Box 307
Valdez, AK 99686
(907) 8~5-4313
Divito, James
Stone·& Webster Engineering Corp.
P.O. Box 5406
Denver, CO 80217
(303) 741-7520
Dorsey, David
Admin/Equipment Control
Sea-Land Service, Inc.
2550 Denali, Suite 1604
Anchorage, AK 99503
907-274-2671
Dowie, Linda
President
Alaska Setnetters Association
Kodiak, AK
(907) 486-4741
Do~il i ng, Ca ro 1 in e
Public Affairs Associate
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Drew, James
Dean, School of Agriculture
and Land Resources Management
University of Alaska
4725 Villanova Drive
Fairbanks, AK 99701
(907) 479-7188
Dulac, Dalton
Forest Supervisor.
Chugach Nat'l Forest
201 E. 9th, 1st Floor
Anchorage, · AK 99501
(907) 261-2500
Dumont, Carel
Alaska Construction & Oil Magazine
P.O. Box 1980
Anchorage, AK 99510
Dunfee, Ross
Construction Management Engineer
Tryck, Numan & Hayes
911 W. 8th Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-0543
299
Dye, James "Bud"
Bud Dye Investment Co.
3333 Denali, Suite 220 "B"
Anchorage, AK 99503
Eaton, Perry
Community Enterprise Dev. Corp.
of Alaska
1011 E. Tudor Road, #210
Anchorage, AK 99517
(907) 562-2322
Eboch, Ed
Labor Economist
Department of Labor
Research and Analysis
P.O. box 25501
Juneau, AK 99802
( 907) 465-4500
Edwards , Kent
Partner
Hartig, Rhodes, Edwards
717 "K" Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-3576
Edwards, Pat
Sen. Murkowski's Office
1317 Crescent Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 562-4436
Eggleston, James
Director,
State & Private Forestry
U.S. Forest Service
201 E. 9th Avenue, Suite 206
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
( 907) 261-2575
Elachik, Peter
Kotlik Yupik Corp.
P.O. Box 20207
Kotlik, AK 99620
(907) 899-4014
Ellis, Stephen
Delaney, Wiles, et al.
1007 W. 3rd Avenue, Suite 400
Anchorage, AK · 99501
(907) 279-3581
Erickson, Rick
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 333-2311
Ewan, Roy
President
Ahtna, Inc.
Drawer G
Copper Center, AK 99573
(907) 822-3476
Fahrenkamp, Senator Bettye
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-4907
Fa 1 vey, Ann 14a rie
422 Kenny Pl.
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 337-8048
Fenner, Kevin
Kenai Peninsula Borough
Box 850
Soldotna, AK 99699
Finney, Don
Ketchikan Mer.
U.S. Borax-Quartz Hill
Box 5320
Ketchikan, AK 99901
( 907) 225-9811
Fischer, Sen. Vic
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-4907
Fisher, Lee
Managing Partner
Coopers & Lybrand
550 W. 7th Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-3602
Fleming, Mary
Assistant-Office of Int'l Trade
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
3201 "C" Street, Suite 722
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 562-2728
Fletcher, Paul
Director, Office of Enterprise
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
Office of Enterprise
Pouch D
Juneau, AK 99811
907-465-2018
Foley, Howard
Pitney Bowes
4201 "B" St.
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 562-2264
Fonde 11 , Dan
Vice President Land Resources
Bering Straits Native Corp.
Box 1008
Nome, AK 99762
(907) 443-5252
[
Forceskie, John ~·~
President ·"
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510 [.·
( 907) 333-2311 ..:
Farsi, Ted.J.
WHITT! ER/ FO RS I
Ted Farsi & Associates
810 E. 9th Ave. #200
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-9517
Fosler, Scott F.
V.P. & Dir. of Government Studies
Committee on Economic Development
1700 "K" Street N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006
(202) 296-5860
Fowler, Win
Asst. Vice President
Bank of the North
P.O. Box 196608
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 786-7305
Frank, Steve
Alaska State Rep.
1125 Sunset Drive
Fairbanks, AK 99701
(907) 452-3421
Fullenwider, Debbie
Vice President
Eklutna, Inc.
550 West 7th Ave., Suite 1550
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-5701
Fullenwider, Heidi
Eklutna, Inc.
550 \1. 7th Avenue, Suite 1550
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-5701
Fulton, Peggi
Ha rt-Crowser
2550 Denali St. 8th Floor
Anchorage, AK 99517
(907) 276-7475
Gallagher, Gerald
Division of Mining
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P.O. Box 7016
Resource~
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 762-4222 [
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Gallagher, Tom
Public Affairs Manager
Chevron USA
P.O. 107839
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 786-6600
Gangl, Nick
Kenai Peninsula Borough
Box 850
Soldotna, AK 99699
Gardner, Ray
Attorney
Hartig, Rhodes, Norman, et. al.
717 "G" Street
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
(907) 272-4571
Ghylin, Clair
Manager, Land Department
Western Region, Chevron U.S.A.
6001 Bollinger Canyon Road
San Ramon, CA 94583
(415) 842-3135
Gazaway, Prentiss
1521 W. 14th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 277-2073
Geiger, Frank
City of Delta Junction
P.O. Box 229
Delta Junction, AK 99737
(907) 895-4656
Geraghty, Bruce
Executive Director
Miners Advocacy Council
P.O. Box 83909
Fairbanks, Alaska 99708
(907) 452-6227
Germer, David
(Substitute for Jim Shaw)
Rocky Mountain Energy
P.O. Box 2000
Broomfield, CO 80020
(303) 469-8844
Ghiz, Ted
Senior Attorney
Exxon Co. U.S.A.
P.O. Box 196601
Anchorage, AK 99519
Giauque, Jerry
President
Alaska Farmer•s & Stockgrowers
Box 1722
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4017
Gibson, Chuck
ALASCOM, Inc.
P.O. Box 196607
Anchorage, AK 99519
( 907) 264-7000
Giegerich, H.M.
President & General Manager
Cominco Alaska Incorporated
5660 8 Street
Anchorage, AK 99518
907-563-3686
Giese 1 er, Harry
Mayor
City of Seward
P.O. Box 167
Seward, AK 99664
( 907) 224-3331
Gilbert, Stuart
Arctic Specialties & Supply
P.O. Box 601
Whittier, Alaska 99693
( 907) 472-2582
Gilbreth, Jr., O.K. "Easy"
Assistant Executive Director
Alaska Oil and Gas Association
505 W. Northern Lights Blvd., Suite 219
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 272-1481
Gill, Caroline
Regional Manager
Alaska State Chamber of Commerce
630 E. 5th Ave., Suite 202
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
(907) 278-3741
Grabacki, Steve
Envirosphere
550 W. 7th Ave., Ste 1150
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 263-1400
Gray, Darrell
Mayor
City of Chignik
General Delivery
Chignik, AK 99564
( 907) 7 49-2207
Gray, John
Manager, Marketing
Alaska Railroad Corporation
Pouch 7-2111
Anchorage, AK 99510
Green, Charlie
Office of Minerals, Fairbanks Division
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
675 7th Ave. Station A
Fairbanks, AK 99701
Green, Hayden
School of B·usiness & Public Administration
University of Alaska, Anchorage
3211 Providence Drive
Anchorage, Alaska 99508
Green, Margaret
Valdez Foreign Trade Zone
P.O. Box 1669
Valdez, AK 99686
( 907) 835-2755
Green, Margaret
North Star Terminal & Stevedore
P.O. Box 102019
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
(907) 272-7537
Greenberg, Ellen
Bering Straits Regional Strategy
City of Nome
P.O. Box 948
Nome, AK 99762
(907) 443-2899
Grinage, Kent
Project Manager-Western Arctic Coal Project
Arctic Slope Consulting Engineers
313 E Street, Suite 2
Anchorage, AK 99501
Gross, U.L.
CEO
Koniag, Inc.
43~0 B Street, Suite 505
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 561-2668
Gunderson, Joe
City Counci 1
City of Cordova
Box 1210
Cordova, AK 99574
(907) 424-3273
Hall, John
Owner/Consultant
Taiga Resource Consultants
Box 750
Girdwood, AK 99587
(907) 783-2416
Hall, Robert
Director
Enserch Alaska Services
550 W. 7th, Suite 1000
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 263-1534
Ha 11 iwill, Jon
Harbor Mini-Mart
Box 574
Haines, Alaska 99827
301
Halpin, Rob
Mktng. & Transp. Rep. for Alaska
Frontier Transportation Co.
Box 101616
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 349-5944
Hames, Roger
Program Chairman
Greater Sitka Chamber of Commerce
P.O. Box 638
Sitka, AK 99835
(907) 747-8604
Hamilton, Jim
Mining Exploration
2805 W. 31st Ave., #22
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 248-3358
Hanley, Peter
Senior Environmental Engineer
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Hansen, Donald
Manager, Commercial Division
The Parkwood Co.
4201 Tudor Centre Drive
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 562-4201
Hanson, Louise
7150 Candace Circle
Anchorage, AK 99516
(907) 346-1841
Harbour, Dave
Vice President, Alaska Pacific University
President, The Harbour Co.
2440 E. Tudor Road, #463
Anchorage, AK 99507
(907) 561-6108
Harrington, John
Tax Attorney
Exxon Co. U.S.A.
P.O. Box 196601
Anchorage, AK 99519
Harris, Robert
Calista Professional Services, Inc.
516 Denali St.
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
(907) 279-5516
Harvey, James
Assistant Vice President
Shearson Lehman Brothers, Inc.
999 3rd Avenue, Suite 3800
Seattle, WA 98104
206-344-3500
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Hasegawa, Steve
Senior Vice President
National Bank of Alaska
Box 10-600
Anchorage, AK
(907) 265-2933
Hawley, Chuck
Hawley Resource Group
7011 Old Seward
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 349-4673
Hawley, Jenny
Hawley Resource Group
7011 01 d Seward
Anchorage, AK 99518
( 907) 349-4673
Hayes, Joe
Candidate for Governor
P.O. Box 101821
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 272-8222
Hazelwood, ~1ark
Vice President, Finance,
Planning and Control
ARCO Alaska, Inc.
700 "G" Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
907-265-1600
Heath, Hazel
Owner
Heath Real Estate Sales
P. 0. Box 4066
Homer, Alaska 99603
( 907) 235-8286
Heatwole, David
Vice-President,
External Affairs
ARCO Alaska Inc.
P.O. Box 100360
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
( 907) 265-6335
Heimbuch, Floyd
Kenai Peninsula Borough
Box 850
Soldotna, AK 99699
(907) 262-4441
Heinze, Harold
President
ARCO Alaska
P.O. Box 1003600
Anchorage, Alaska 99503
( 907) 265-6511
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Held, Kirsten ~
Director, Public Information --
Alaska Loggers Association
111 Stedman, Suite 200 [
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 225-6117 -
Helton, Jack [
Vice President, Alaska Div.
Sea-Land Service, Inc.
4800 South !88th Street, Suite 320
Seattle, WA 98188 ['
(206) 431-3500
Hemphill, Sara
Alaska Contact [
750 W. 2nd, #203
Anchorage, AK 99501 ,
( 907) 276-8314
Hendershot, Alida
Owner
Rapid Action Mailing Service
5250 Aircraft Drive
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 243-2632
Henri, Joseph
President
South Central Timber Dev.
255 E. Fireweed, Suite 104
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 279-1493
Hepper, Byron
Vice President
Bank of the North
P.O. Box 196608
Anchorage, AK
(907) 786-7305
Hessel, Dave
Deputy Regional Forester
U.S. Forest Service
P.O. Box 1628
Juneau, Alaska 99801
(907) 586-8863
Higgins, r~.A.
President
Marketing, Planning & Management
3300 "C" Street, Suite 210
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 561-0093
Hiller, Jr., Robert
Realty Specialist
U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service
1011 E. Tudor
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 786-3499
302
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Hirota, Masayoshi
Nippon Kokan K.K.
Sr. Mgr. -Corp. Planning Department
1-1-2, Marunouchi, Chiyoda-ku
Tokyo 100, Japan
03-212-7111/222-2811
Hirsh, Stu
Landman
SOHIO Alaska Petroleum Company
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 564-4841
Hoekzema, Robert
U.S. Dept. of the Interior -Bureau of Mines
201 E. 9th Ave., Suite 101
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 364-2111
Hoffman, David
Owner
D&D Hoffman Associates
7201 Ticonderoga
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 243-4183
Hoffman, Dee
Board Member
Doyon Ltd.
P.O. Box 74240
Fairbanks, Alaska
Holdsworth, Phil
Consultant
326 4th Street, #1009
Juneau, AK 99801
( 907) 586-1383
Holmes, Connie
Executive Director
Coal Export Association
1130 17th Street NW
Washington, DC 20036
Homan, Frank
Senior Advisor
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
(907) 465-4907
Horn, John
Vice Chairman
Yukon-Pacific Corp.
Box 101700
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 279-1596
Hornung, William
VP Commercial Loans
United Bank Alaska
440 E. 36th Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 786-6368
Horwath, LeAnn
Student
University of Alaska, Anchorage
P.O. Box 870401
Wasilla, AK 99687
(907) 786-7645
Hudec, Jim
Business Rep. .
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 333-2311
Hull, James "Jack"
Business Agent IBEW .
2702 Denali Street
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 272-6571
Humphrey, Kurt
Manager
Cook Inlet Region, Inc.
P.O. Drawer 4-N
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 27 4-8638
Hunsucker, Phyllis
AK Resource Policy Coalition
119 N. Cushman
Fairbanks, AK
(907) 456-5430
Hunt, ~1i chae 1
Kotlik Yupik Corp.
P.O. Box 20207
Kotlik, AK 99620
(907) 899-4014
Hyer, Terry
Director
ECI/Hyer, Inc.
101 W. Benson, Suite 306
Anchorage, Alaska 99503
(907) 561-5543
Immamak, Mary Ann
City of Emmonak
P.O. Box 8
Emmonak, AK 99581
( 907) 949-1227
Immamak, Phil
City of Emmonak
P.O. Box 8
Emmonak, AK 99581
(907) 949-1227
Ingalls, Hal
President
Denali Drilling, Inc.
6000 A Street
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 562-2312
Isaacs, Jonathan
Resource Task Leader
Cook Inlet Tran. Study
2413 Forest Park Drive
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 279-8900
Jackson, Val
City Cilunci 1
City of Ketchikan
334 Front St.
Ketchikan, AK 99901
( 907) 225-3111
Jacobsen, Robert
Asst. Regional Director
U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service
1011 E. Tudor
Anch.orage, AK 99513
(907) 786-3522
Johansen, Erling
Mayor
City of Cordova
Box 1210
Cordova, AK 99574
(907) 424-3238
Johnson, Charles
ROC Board Member
P.O. Box 100516
Anchorage, AK 99510
Johnson, Nancy
KTUU -Channel 2
606 VI. 4th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-5807
Jones, Dan
Exploration Coordinator/Alaska
Exxon
P.O. Box 196601
Anchorage, Alaska 99519
( 907) 564-3714
Jones, Dorothy
Mayor
Ma t-Su Borough
Box 109
Talkeetna, AK 99676
(907) 745-4801
Jones, Julie Ann
Eklutna, Inc.
550 W. 7th Ave., Suite 1550
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-5701
303
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Jones, Tyler
Port Director
Port of Anchorage
2000 Anchorage Port Road
~nchorage, AK 99501
(907) 272-1531
Jordan, Joe
Vice President -Arctic District
Morrison-Knudsen Engineers
813 D Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-6551
Kay, Patricia
Executive Director
AK Comm. Dev. Corp.
701 Sesame Street, Suite 102
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 562-3717
Kellar, Bob
City Council
City of Valdez
P.O. Box 307
Valdez, AK 99686
(907) 835-4314
Kelso, Ronald
U.S. General Accounting Office,
Office of Financial Management
P.O. Box 37208
Washington, D.C. 20548
(202) 275-3276
Kemp, John
Division Manager
Conoco Inc.
3201 C Street, Suite 200
Anchorage, AK 99503
907-564-7600
Kemp, Susan
President
Delta Chamber of Commerce
P.O. Box 987
·Delta Junction, AK 99737
( 907) 895-4345
Kern, Edward
AK Div. of Agriculture
P.O. Box-949
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-7200
Kiech, Mike
Municipal Light & Power
1200 E. First Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-7671
Kim, John
Alaska Center for Int'l Business
Klepac, John
Anchorage Division Manager
Sverdrup Corporation ·
430 C Street, Suite 304
Anchorage, AK 99501
907-274-4541
Klett, Frank
Vice President
Cook Inlet Region, Inc.
2525 "C" St.
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 274-8638
Knowler, Duncan
Indian & Northern Affairs
200 Range Road
Whitehorse, Yukon, Canada
(403) 668-5151
Koonook, Luke
City of Pt. Hope
P.O. Box 169
Pt. Hope, AK 99766
( 907) 368-2537
Koonuk, Ray
City of Pt. Hope
P.O. Box 169
Pt. Hope, AK 99766
(907) 368-2537
Kosch, John
Economic Development Steering Committee
City of Homer
3670 Lake Street
Homer, AK 99603
(907) 235-8121
Krusz, George
President
Ak. State Chamber of Commerce
310 Second St.
Juneau, AK 99601
(907) 586-2323
Kuhnke, Horst
Deputy Consul General
German Consulate GeneraT
1617 IBM Building
Seattle, Washington 98101
(206) 681-4312
Ladner, Mike
Sea-Land Service
4800 S. 188th Street, Suite 320
Seattle, WA 98188
206-431-3538
School of Business & Public Administration
University of Alaska, Anchorage
3211 Providence Drive
Anchorage, AK 99508
Lamoert, Kristin
City of Soldotna
Box 409
Soldotna, AK 99669
(907) 262-9107
Landis, Paul
Marketing Representative
ERA Helicopters, Inc.
6160 South.Airpark Dr.
Anchorage, AK
(907) 248-4422
99502
Langla, Leslye
MARKAIR
P.O. Box 190769
Anchorage, AK
(907) 243-1414
99519
Larew, Lash
Marketing Representative
ERA Helicopters, Inc.
6160 South Airpark Drive
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 248-4422
Larson, John
KTUU -Channel 2
606 W. 4th Ave.
Anchorage, AK
(907) 276-5807
Lau, Richard
Vice President
99501
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Purrington, Lau and Associates, Inc.
4796 Business Park Blvd., Suite 4 [
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 561-7117 ~
Laughman, Larry [
Senior Manager
Peat f~an~ich Mitchell & Co.
601 W. 5th, Suite 700
Anchorage, AK 99501 [-,
(907) 276-7401
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Lawson, Tom
Office of Enterprise
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ.
Pouch D
Juneau, AK 99811
907-465-2018
Leaphart, Stan
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Executive Director [
Citizens' Advisory Commission
on Federal Areas (State of AK) .
515 7th Ave., Suite 310
Fairbanks, AK 99701
(907) 456-2012 [J
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Leask, Janie
President
Alaska Federation of Natives
411 W. 4th Ave. Suite 301
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-3611
Leatha rd, Pete
President
VECO, Inc.
5151 Fairbanks Street
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 561-7101
Leavitt, Annie
Admin. Asst. -Land Dept.
Arctic Slope Reg. Corp.
P.O. Box 129 ~··
Barrow, AK 99723
( 907) 852-8633
Leland, Richard
City Manager
City of Cordova
Box 1210
Cordova, AK 99574
(907) 424-3238
Lenahan, Dick
Export Council of Alaska, Inc.
701 "C" Street, Box 32
Anchorage, AK 99513
Lenz, Ron
NC Machinery Company
P.O. Box 6148
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 561-1766
Lerchs, George
Director, Yukon Operations
Department of Regional Industrial
301 -108 Lambert Street
·Whitehorse, Yukon
(403) 668-4655
Lewsader, Douglas
Student
Alaska Pacific University
P.O. Drawer 112169 _
Anchorage, AK 99511
(907) 345-1820
" L i nxwi 1 er, James
·' Attorney/Partner
Guess and Rudd
510 "L" Street, #700
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-5121
Lively, Brigitte
President, Board of Directors
Greater Palmer Chambe·r of Corrmerce
P.O. Box 45
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-6502
Loescher, Robert
Vice President of Resource Management
Sealaska Corp.
Sealaska Plaza, Ste. 400
Juneau, AK 99801
(907) 586-1512
Lohse, Dennis
Staff Land Representative
Shell Western E&P, Inc.
601 W. Fifth Avenue, Suite 810
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-2545
Lounsbury, Loren
Commissioner
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
Pouch D
Juneau, AK 99811
(907) 465-2590
Low, Chris
Alaska Pacific University
4101 University Drive
Anchorage, AK 99501
Lurie, Bill
Director -Planning Dept.
Municipality of Anchorage
Pouch 6-650
Anchorage, AK 99502
Lynch, Michael C.
Research Associate, Energy Lab.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
One Amherst Street
. Cambridge, MA 02139
Expanslon (617) 253-1443
Lyou, Chris
~1unicipality of Anchorage
Pouch 6-650
Anchorage, AK 99502
MacLean, Gordon
Manager, Special Projects
Stevedoring Services of America
3415 11th Ave. S.W.
Seattle, WA 98134
(206) 623-0304
f.1adden, Mary Lou
Madden & Associate~
P.O. Box 616
Douglas, AK 99824
(907) 586-3847
Mahmood, Arshud
McClelland -EBA Inc.
907 E. Dowling Road, #27
Anchorage, AK 99502
( 907) 561-4085
Ma 11 ory, Greg .
Industrial Manager
Alaska Diesel Electric Inc.
P.O. Box 190208
Anchorage, Alaska 99519
(907) 562-2222
Malone, Vicki
Exhibitor
Malone, Malone & Co.
P.O. Box 2178
Bethel, AK 99559
(907) 543-2934
March, Don
Construction Manager
Wilder Construction Co.
11301 Lang Street
Anchorage, AK 99515
(907) 344-2593
~la rti n, Kerry
Administrative Assistant
City of Seward
P.O. Box 167
Seward, AK 99664
(907) 224-3331
~1assin, Mike
Municipal Light & Power
1200 E. First Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 279-7671
Maxim, Dan
Everest Consulting Associates,
15 North Main Street
Cranbury, NJ 08512
(609) 655-7426
McCarthy, J.W.
Sr. Vice President
Enserch Alaska Services, Inc.
2525 "C" Street
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 276-6333
McCollom, Robert
Vice President
Woodward-Clyde Consultants
701 Sesame Street
Anchorage, AK 99503
907-561-1020
Inc.
305
McCrary, Mike
P.O. Box 175
Trapper Creek, AK 99683
McDowell, Peter
Managing Partner
Coopers & Lybrand
One Sealaska Plaza, Suite 302
Juneau, AK 99801
(907) 586-8011
McFarland, Cole
Placer U.S., Inc.
1 California Bldg. #2500
San Francisco, CA 94111
(415) 986-0740
McGill, Gary
U.S. General Accounting Office,
Office of Financial Management
P.O. Box 37208
Washington, D.C. 20548
(202) 275-3276
11cGinn, Dick
Gen. Manager
Northwest Tech. Services
P.O. Box 141823
Anchorage, AK 99508
( 907) 338-4900
McGrane, Robert
Bob McGrane for Governor
427 "D" Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-1957
Mcilhargey, Frank
Kenai Peninsula Borough
P.O. Box 850
Soldotna, AK 99699
(907) 262-2441
McLean, Len
Owner
McLean Consulting
Box 102876
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 276-2288
McMichael, R.C.
Senior Geologist
Cominco Alaska, Inc.
5660 B Street
Anchorage, Alaska 99518
(907) 563-3686
Meade, Chris
7800 Moose Run
Anchorage, AK 99567
(907) 344-1347
Melhuish, A.J.
Consul General
Australian Consulate-General
360 Post Street
San Francisco, CA 94108
(415) 362-6160
Merrick, John
Manager, Lands & Resources
Koniag, Inc.
4300 B Stre!'!t, SuH"' ~n5
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 561-2668
Merrill, Thomas
Contracts Administration
Ocean Technology
5333 Fairbanks, Suite 11
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 563-2060
Metz, Pat
Permits and Compliance Manager
ARCO Alaska, Inc.
P.O. Box 100360
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 265-6335
Meyer, Robert
Minerals Management Service
P. 0. Box 1159
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 261-4625
Miller, Calvin
State Resource Conservationist
USDA -Soil Conservation Service
221 E. Northern Lights Blvd., Suite 129
Anchorage, AK 99504
( 907) 276-4246
Miller, Clarence
Owner
Arrowhead Minerals
. P.O. Box 140491
Anchorage, AK 99514
(907) 338-1124
Miller, John
Area Manager
BP Alaska Exploration
550 W. 7th Avenue, Suite 1840
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 258-7200
Miller, Mike
Project Manager
M-B Construction Co., Inc.
7101 DeBarr
Anchorage, AK 99504
( 907) 333-5527
Miller, Rachel
Student
University of Alaska, Anchorage
P. 0. Box 111701
Anchorage, AK 99511
(907) 659-3101
Moles, Harold
Vice President -Operations
Northwest Alaskan Pipeline Co.
424 Terrace
Fairbanks, AK 99701
(907) 456-8700
Molyneux, Val
Vice President, Marketing
VECO, Inc.
5151 Fairbanks Street
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 561-1701
99503
Mane ri ef, Ph i1
Fluor Engineers, Inc.
10 Twin Dolphin Dr.
Redwood City, CA 94065
(415) 595-6834
Mongeau, Adeline
signs by fred, Ltd.
6672 Wesleyan Way
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 562-2232
99502
Moore, Carla
Tourism Coordinator
City of Cordova
Box 1210
Cordova, AK 99574
( 907) 424-3238
Morehouse; Dr. Tom
Acting Director
Institute for Social
and Economic Research
707 E. "A" St., Suite 206
Anchorage, AK
(907) 278-4621
99501
Morgan, Robert
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President c· Pacific Seafood Processors Associa or
4019 21st. Ave.,W. Suite 201
Seattle, WA 98199
(206) 281-1667
Morrison, Bette
Administrative Assistant
[
BP Alaska Exploration r~
550 W. 7th Avenue, Suite 1840 ~
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 258-7200
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Morrison, Jacquelyn
3405 Briarcliff
Anchorage, AK 99508
Morrison, Jodie
Administrative Assistant
Diamond Alaska Coal Co.
550 W. Seventh Ave., Suite 1900
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-6868
Moss, Jim
Kenworth Alaska
2838 Porcupine Dr.
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-0602
Motes, Dr. William
Economic Perspectives, Inc.
6723 Whittier Ave. #101
McLean, VA 22101
( 703) 734-8787
Matt, William C.
V.P. & General Counsel
National Strategy Information Center
Chairman, National Strategic Materials
and Ninerals Program Advisory Comm.
Nine Dogwood Lane North
Charlottesville, NC 22901
(804) 296-4362
Mountjoy, Paula
CH2M Hi 11
2550 Denali Street, #800
Anchorage, AK 99517
( 907) 278-2551
Mulligan, Pat
Owner
14ull igan Farms
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4004
Mullis, De 1
Arctic Slope Regional Corporation
313 E Street, Suite 2
Anchorage, AK 99501
Murkowski, Frank
U.S. Senate
317 Senate Hart Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
Murto, Arne
Chairman
FinnBear Mining & Exploration
P.O. Box 150
Anchor Point, AK 99556
( 907) 567-3354
Nading, Dena
Assistant Vice President
Alaska Mutual Bank
P.O. Box 101120
Anchorage, AK 99510
{907) 274-3561
Nalder, Nan
R.W. Beck & Associates
2121 4th Avenue, 4th & Blanchard
Seattle, WA 98121
(206) 441-7500
Nalley, Max
Alaska Public Affairs Manager
EXXON Company USA
Pouch 6601
Anchorage, AK 99502
(907) 564-3776
Neeley, Jim
~1anager of Technical Services
Northwest Technical Services, Inc.
P.O. Box 141823, 1569 S. Bragaw
Anchorage, AK 99508
907-338-4900
Nelson, E.H. "Pete"
Advanced Explor. Land Rep.
TEXACO
Box 102267
Anchorage, AK 99510
{907) 278-9611
Newton, Lisa ~1.
Ad. Asst. to the President
Alaska Statebank
P.O. Box 100240
Anchorage, AK 99510
{907) 277-5661
Nix, Yvonne
Assistant Director of
Civic Action Program
P. 0. Box 100360
Anchorage, AK 99510
{907) 265-6281
Noll, William
Vice President
Suneel Alaska Corporation
Box 1789
Seward, AK 99664
{907) 224-3120
Oberts, Leo
Real Estate Developer
1440 Chinook Court
Kenai, AK · 99611
( 907) 283-4406
Oberts, ~1arion
Real Estate Developer
1440 Chinook Court
Kenai, AK 99611
{907) 283-4406
O'Connor, Walter
Vice Chairman -International
Peat Marwick Nitchell & Co.
345 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10154
(212) 758-9700
Olds, Glenn
President
Alaska Pacific University
4101 University Dr.
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 564-8220
Oliver, Glenn
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK ·99510
(907) 333-2311
Olsen, Diane
Student
1916 E. 39th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99508
( 907) 563-2824
Olson, John
Special Asst. to Commissioner
Dept. of Transportation
& Public Facilities
Box 196900
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 266-1440
Ondola, Gina
Eklutna, Inc.
550 W. 4th Ave., Suite 1550
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-5701
Orr, Dave
Foraker Enterprises
Anchorage, AK
(907) 345-5846
Osborn, Catherine
Alaska Mutual Bank
P.O. Box 49003
Anchorage, AK 99509
(907) 264-2776
Otsu, Fumio
Manager, Project Controls
Fluor Alaska, Inc.
550 W. 7th Ave., Suite 1820
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-2636
Owens, Pat
Natanuska-Susitna Borough
P.O. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4801
307
Packer, Tom
Senior Vice President
Bank of the North
P.O. Box 196608 .
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 261-7417
Palmer, Jim
Sohio -Alaska
· P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Palmquist, Rose
Borough Assembly
Mat-Su Borough
P.O. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4801
Parente, Emil
Fluor Engineers, Inc.
10 Twin Dolphin Dr.
Redwood City, CA 94065
(415) 595-6834
Pargeter, Thomas
Senior Vice President
National Bank of Alaska
Box 10-600
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 265-2933
Parish, William
2634 Forest Park Drive
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 27 4-8964
David Parish
2634 Forest Park Drive
Anchoraae, Alaska 99503
(907 274-13954
Parker, Lisa
Cominco Alaska, Inc.
5660 B Street
Anchorage, AK 99518
( 907) 563-3686
Parkes, Michael
Visiting Research Prof.
Carlton University, Loeb Building
Ottawa, Canada·K1S 5B6
{613) 564-2641
Patten, Fred
U.S. Forest Service
201 E. 9th Ave., Suite 206
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 261-2506
Pearson, Nei 1
Vice President/General Manager
Coffman Engineers, Inc.
550 W. Seventh Avenue, Suite 700
Anchorage, AK • 99501
{907) 276-6664
Peck, Dale
Controller
Alaska General Alarm Co.
405 W. 27th. Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 279-8511
Perkins Jr., Joseph
Attorney/Partner
Guess & Rudd
510 "L" St., #700
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-5121
Pernela, Lloyd
CH2M-Hi 11
2550 Denali St. #800
Anchorage, AK 99517
( 907) 278-2551
Peterson, Erik
Murray/Bradley & Peterson, Inc.
1840 S. Bragaw
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 274-9563
Peterson, Gil
Alaska Regional Director
Environmental Science & Engineering
2900 Boniface Parkway, #488
Anchorage, AK 99504
(907) 337-5833
Pharr, Yohyon
Coordinator
Pacific Rim Business Development
Alaska Mutual Bank
P.O. Box 49003
Anchorage, AK 99509
( 907) 264-2761
Pickworth, JoAnn
Pickworth and Associates
1200 Ocean Dock Road
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 258-6447
Pierce, Brad
House Research Agency
PouchY, State Capitol
Juneau, Alaska 99811
( 907) 465-3991
Plattner, Roger
Vice President -Administration
Jackovich Tractor & Equipment
Box 407
Fairbanks, AK 99707
( 907) 456-4414
Pope, Pam
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
{907) 564-5456
Porter, Rosemary
Editor & Publisher
The Tundra Drums
P.O. Box 868
Bethel, AK 99559
Posey, James
Manager, Issues Advocacy
ARCO
P.O. Box 100360
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 265-6123
Quillen, Jack
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
Ramos, Junior
ALASCOM, Inc.
P.O. Box 196607
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 264-7000
Randolph, Dick
Randolph for Governor
Box 100239
Anchorage, AK 99510
Rense, John
VP for Resources
NANA Dev. Corp., Inc.
4706 Harding Drive
Anchorage, AK 99503
{907) 248-3030
Restad, Sigmund
533 E. Fireweed
Palmer, AK 99645
{907) 745-3257
Rhodes, Glenda
Managing Partner
Laventho 1 & Honva th
730 "I" St.
Anchorage, AK 99501
{907) 276-5811
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Rice, Karen
Kramer, Chi-n & Mayo, Inc.
3701 E. Tudor, Suite 205
Anchorage, AK 99507
Richards, Bob
Candidate for Governor
Richards fa Governor Campaign
P.O. Box 20-1968
Anchorage , AK 99520
( 907) 561-4644
Ricks, Joe
Magnetics of Alaska
P.O. Box 878
Kenai, AK 99611
(907) 776-5182
Roberts, Mike
Executive V.P.
Alaska General Alarm Co.
405 W. 27th. Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 279-8511
Roberts, Thomas C.L.
Legislative Assistant
to Frank Murkowski
709 Hart Building
Washington, DC 20510
(202) 224-8314
Robinson, Judy
Appraiser
State of Alaska
1754 Karluk
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 762-2253
Robinson, Mitch
City of Soldotna
Box 409
Soldotna, AK 99669
(907) 262-9107
Roderick, Jack
Energy Oil & Gas
1620 Hidden Lane
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 272-8089
Rogers, John
Senior Vice President
Bank of the North
P.O. Box 196608
Anchorage, AK 99518
(907) 261-7417
Rogers, Rob
Seward Fisheries
Box 398
Homer, AK 99603
(907) 235-8707
Roush, Karen
Northwest Technical Services
1569 s. Bragaw
Anchorage, AK 99508
( 907) 338-4900
Rowley, Dan
Alaska Regional Manager
CH2M Hi 11
2550 Denali Street, #800
Anchorage, AK 99517
(907) 278-2551
Rusanowski, Paul
Northern Technical Services
750 W. 2nd, Suite 100
Anchorage, AK 99501
907-276-4302
Ryan, Irene
Consulting Engineer
10001 Hillside Drive
Anchorage, AK 99516
907-346-1821
Rybachek, Rose
President
Alaska Miners' Association
P.O. Box 55698
North Pole, AK 99705
(907) 488-6453
Rynearson, James
Vice President
Alaska Pulp Company
P.O. Box 124
Sitka, AK 99835
(907) 747-2225
Saeboe, Olav Egil
Gen. Mgr. -Petroleum Related Industries
Christiania Bank -Petroleum Div.
Stortorvet 7
0155 Oslo 1, Norway
(47-2) 486697
Sandifer, Keith
U.S. Forest Service
P.O. 1628
Juneau, AK 99802
(907) 586-7847
Sceeles, James
Economic Development Trainee
North Slope Borough
Planning Department
P.O. Box 69
Barrow, Alaska 99723
{907) 852-2611
Schaff, Ross
State Geologist
Scherkenbach, Daryl
Senior Geologist -Western Dist. -AK
Noranda Exploration, Inc.
139 E. 51st Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 561-1036
Schierhorn, Mort
Construction Manager
M-B Contracting Co., Inc.
7101 Debarr
Anchorage, AK 99504
( 907) 333-5527
Schwartz, Jim
K & W Trucking
35219 16th Ave So.
Federal Way, WA 98003
(206) 874-2633
Scott, Michael
Director, ATU Services
Anchorage Telephone Utility
600 E. 38th Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 564-1214
Sczudlo, Walter
Chairman of Board
Pacific & Western Oil Co.
1505 Crosson
Fairbanks, AK 99701
Se 1 ey, Steve
President
Seley, Inc.
P:o. Box 5380
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 247-3539
Se 11 in, J o-L i
Commercial Loan Officer
Rainier Bank AK, N.A.
P.O. Box 7007
Anchorage, AK 99516
( 907) 263-3258
Seymour, Frank
Senior ~1arketing Specialist
State of Alaska
Office of Forest Products
111 Stedman, Suite-204
Ketchikan, AK 99901
907-225-4669
Sharman, Jerry
Gen. Teamsters Local 959 -Alaska
P.O. Box 102092
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 333-2311
State Division of Geological
P.O. Box 7028
and Geophysical Surveys
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 762-2177
309.
Shaub, Thyes
Director, Office of Forest Products
Department of Commerce & Economic Development
Pouch D
Juneau, AK 99811
907-465-2094
Shoemaker, Robin
Coffman Engineers, Inc.
550 W. Seventh Avenue, S~ite 700
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-6664 .
Shultz, Dick
Representative
Alaska State Legislature
P.O. Box V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-3715
Sims, John
Vice President of marketing
Usibelli Coal Mine, Inc.
1935 Swallow Drive
Fairbanks, AK 99709
( 907) 479-0153
Sivertson, Lorne
Assist. Deputy Minister
Mineral Resources
l~inistry of Energy,
Mines and Petroleum Resources
·Government of British Columbia
Parliament Building
Victoria , B.C., Canada
(604) 387-6242
Sloane, Lin
Development Director
Anchorage Organizing Committee
P.O. Box 4-542
Anchorage, Alaska 99509
(907) 276-7400
Smart, Bill
Partner-in-Charge
Price Waterhouse
101 W. Benson, Suite 500
Anchorage, AK 99517
( 907) 563-4444
Smedley, Larry
Area Manager (Alaska Operations)
Exxon U.S.A.
P.O. Box 196601
Anchorage, AK 99519
Smith, Douglas
4110 DeBarr Rd., Sp 15-D
Anchorage, AK 99504
(907) 338-3347
Smith, Larry
City Co unci 1
City of Haines
P.O. Box 1043
Haines, AK 99827
(907) 766-2231
Sprague, Bryon
Vice President, Marketing
First Interstate Bank
Pouch 7012
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 264-5351
Stafford, John C.
Dep. Project ~lanager Susitna Hydro
AK Power Authority
701 E. Tudor
Anchorage, AK 99519
( 907) 261-7273
Stancliff, David
House Resources Aide
Legislature
c/o P.O. Box V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-3715
Stanley, Norm
Manager of Public & Gov't. Affairs
Texaco, Inc.
10 Universal City Plaza
Universal City, CA 91608
(818) 505-2654
Stark, Doug
Natura 1 Resources Committee Chairman
Anchorage Chamber of Commerce
957 Westbury
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 561-2332
Stastny, Shelby
Tax Partner CPA
Arthur Young and Co.
1031 W. 4th Avenue, Suite 600
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 279-0422
Stein, John
City of Wasilla
P.O. 870430
Wasilla, AK 99687
( 907) 376-5227
Stites, Dan
Fluor Engineers, Inc.
10 Twin Dolphin Dr.
Redwood City, CA 94065
(415) 595-6834
Strom, Lars
Stone & Webster Engineering Corp.
P.O. Box 5406
Denver, CO 80217
(303) 741-7520
Stromsem, Nancy
National Park Service
2236 Susitna
Anchorage, AK 99503
Strong, Greg
Eklutna, Inc.
550 W. 7th Ave., Suite 1550
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-5701
Strother, Robert
Mining & Petroleum Training Svc.
4640 Old Seward Hwy.
Anchorage, AK 99503
Strutz, Richard
Senior Vice President
National Bank of Alaska
Box 600
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 265-2920
Sturgeon, John
State Forester
Dept. of Natural Resources,
Division of Forestry
P.O. Box 7-005
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
( 907) 762-4465
Sturgulewski, Sen. Arliss
Chairman
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-4907
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Sutton, Cheryl [
Kenai Peninsula Fishermen's Coop
and Alaska Setnetters Association ·.
Box 546
(907) 252-2492
So 1 dotna, AK 99669 [-'
Swank, Ernaline
President
Toppers Oil Corp., Inc.
1500 E. 5th Ave.
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 279-8555
Swaney, Chris
Press
Anchorage Times
Box 40
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 279-5622
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Tarrant, Bert
Press
AK Journal of Commerce
P.O. Box 99007
Anchorage, AK 99509
(907) 243-1513
Taylor, John
University of Alaska, Fairbanks
School of Management
Fairbanks, AK 99775
(907) 474-7253
Teal, David
Director
House Research Agency
PouchY, State Capitol
Juneau, Alaska 99811
(907) 465-3991
Thomas, Bob
Fairbanks North Star Borough
P.O. Box 1267
Fairbanks, AK 99707
(907) 452-4761
Thorn 1 ow, Don
Sr. Vice President
National Bank of Alaska
306 Main Street
Ketchikan, AK 99901
(907) 225-2184
Thurlow, Gary
Mat-Su Borough Assembly
P.O. Box B
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-4801
Tileston, Jules
Bureau of Land Management
701 C Street, Box 13
Anchorage, Alaska 99513
(907) 271-5069
Tindall, Richard
Owner
Tindall Enterprises
6821 Sherwood Avenue
Anchorage, AK 99504
(907) 333-1914
Tomlinsbn, Brian
Engineering Manager
Fluor Alaska, Inc.
550 W. 7th Avenue, Suite 1820
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-2636
Tremont, John
Geographer
Minerals Mgmt. Service
P.O. Box 1159
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 261-4682
Trosclair, Rudy
Business Manager
Painters & Allied Trades Local Union #1140
1818 W. Northern Lights B)vd.
Anchorage, AK 99517
( 907) 279-3556
Tubbs, Dale
Land Management Consultant
Land Management Services
1234 Hillcrest Drive
Anchorage, AK 99503
( 907) 279-9931
Tuck, Bradford
Dean, School of Business
& Public Affairs
University of Alaska
3211 Providence Drive
Anchorage, AK 99508
(907) 786-1758
Turner, Jack
Marketing Manager
MAPCO Petroleum, Inc.
Pouch 720
Fairbanks, AK 99707
(907) 452-5251
Underkofler, Rich
City of Soldotna
P.O. Box 409
Soldotna, AK 99669
(907) 262-9107
Usibelli, Jr., Joseph
VP Operations
Usibelli Coal Mine, Inc.
Pouch I
Healy, AK 99743
( 907) 683-2226
V a 11 ee , B i 11
Alaska Map Service
P.O. Box 102794
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 272-2753
Van Brocklin, Robert
City Council
City of Cordova
Box 1210
Cordova, AK 99574
(907) 424-3238
Vann, G.B.
Review Staff
Alaska Department of Revenue
550 West 7th Avenue, Suite 570
Anchorage, AK 99501
907-277-5627
Varela, Ed
Marketing Engineer
Stone & Webster Engineering Corp.
P.O. Box 5406
Denver, CO 80217
(303) 741-7520
Von Bargen, Lyle
Public Relations Supervisor
Alyeska Pipeline Service Company
Box 300
Valdez, Alaska 99686
(907) 835-6284
Waggener, Dr. Thomas R.
Director
Center_for International Trade in
Forest Products
U. of Washington College
A-R-10 Univ. of Washington
Seattle, WA 98195
(202) 377-1466
Waggood, Clay
Vice President
Arctic Coiled Tubing
301 Banner Ave. , #130
Anchorage, AK
( 907) 522-1258
Wagoner, Tom
Nayor
City of Kenai
210 Fidalgo Street
Kenai, AK
( 907) 283-7535
Walker, Vince
Administrative Assistant
SKW/Eskimos, Inc.
P.O. Box 4-2479
Anchorage, AK 99509
(907) 276-5716
Wassink, Harry
Vice President/CEO
Kashwitna Farms, Inc.
1340 W. 23rd Avenue
Anchoraae, AK 99503
(907) 274-8485
Watson, Jim
City Manager
City of Va 1 dez
P.O. Box 307
Valdez, AK 99686
( 907) 835-4313
Weaver, Jerry
Senior Vice President
Rainier Bank
P.O. Box 7007
Anchorage, Alaska 99510
(907) 263-3258
Webb, D.M.
Vice President -Operations
Sohio -Alaska
P.O. Box 196612
Anchorage, AK 99512
(907) 564-5456
311
.Webber, Charles
President
Resource Development Council
1824 Forest Park Drive
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-6551
Welling, Charles
Corps of Engineers
P.O. Box 898
Anchorage, AK 99506
(907) 753-2696
Wellman, Jackie
ALASCOf1, Inc.
P.O. Box 196607
Anchorage, AK 99519
(907) 264-7000
Wheeler, Bert
Genera 1 14anager
SKW/Eskimos, Inc.
P.O. Box 4-2479
Anchorage, AK 99509
( 907) 276-5716
Whitbeck, Terry
AK Dept. of Education
P.O. Box "F"
Juneau, AK 99811
(907) 465-4685
Widom, Ivan
City 1-!anager
City of Bethel
P.O. Box 388
Bethel, AK 99559
(907) 543-2097
Wiedeman, James
Dev. Officer
Alaska Dept. of Commerce & Econ. Dev.
3601 "C" Street, #722
Anchorage, AK 99517
(907) 563-2989
Wiese, Craig
U/A Marine Advisory Program
P.O. Box 103160
Anchorage, AK 99510
(907) 274-9691
Wiggins, Vern
AK Lands Use Council
P.O. Box 100120
Anchorage, AK 99510
Will i ams, Anita
Assoc. Principal Geologist
Morrison-Knudsen Engineers
813 D Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 274-6551
Williams, Cole
Fluor Engineers, Inc.
10 Twin Dolphin Dr.
Redwood City, CA 94065
(415) 595-6834
Williams, Wells
Assistant City Nanager
City of Palmer
231 W. Evergreen Avenue
Palmer, AK 99645
(907) 745-3271
Williamson, James
944 W. 11th Avenue, Apt. D
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 27 4-6462
Wi 11 is, Cheryl
Alaska Airlines
4750 W. International
Anchorage, AK 99502
Wilson, Jackie
Student
University of Alaska,
5524 North Star
Anchorage, AK 99503
(907) 563-2761
Wilson, Rich
City Manager
City of St, George
St. George Island, AK
( 907) 859-2263
Wolek, Thorn
Airport Road
Anchorage
99660
VP/Director of Marketing
National Bank of Alaska
P.O. Box 100600
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 265-2890
Woodell, Patricia
Alaska Power Authority
334 W. 5th Avenue
Anchorage, Alaska 99501
(907) 276-0001
Wuerch, George
Genera 1 Manager
Fluor Alaska, Inc.
550 W. 7th Ave., Suite 1820
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 276-2636
Wunnicke, Esther
Director
. '1
Yancik, Joseph J. -__ -_] Director, Office of Energy
International Trade Administration
U.S. Department of Commerce
14th & ConstitUtion Ave. Room 441 ·-J
Washington, D.C. 20230
(202) 377-1466
Yoshida, St.eve
Homer Chamber of Commerce
Box 541
Homer, AK 99603
(907) 235-5255
Yould, Eric
Alaska Regional Manager
Harza Engineering Company
900 West 5th Avenue, Suite
Anchorage, AK 99501
( 907) 279-0471
Young, Don
700
Representative .
U.S. House of Representat1ves
2331 Rayburn HOB
. Washington, D.C. 20515
Zawacki, James
Financial Diversified Services
738 "H" Street
Anchorage, AK 99501
(907) 276-1490
Zerbetz, Gordon
Exec. Manager of Public Utilities
Municipality of Anchorage
Pouch 6-650
Anchorage, AK 99502
( 907) 564-1323
Zharoff, Sen. Fred
Senate Resources Committee
Pouch V
Juneau, AK 99811
( 907) 465-3850
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Zmolek, John -
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Economist
Federal Home Loan Bank of Seattle __ _
600 Stewart
Seattle, WA 98112
(206) 624-3980
Zoet, Jerry
Port Director
Port of Valdez
P.O. Box 307
Valdez, AK 99686
( 907) 385-4313
Alaska Department of Natural Resources
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Pouch M
Juneau, Alaska 99811
( 907) 465-2400
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Resource Development Council, Inc. Staff
Executive Director
Deputy Director
Public Relations Director
Research Coordinator
Projects Coordinator
Staff Assistant
Membership Relations Director
RDC Inc.
Paula P. Easley
Becky L. Gay
Carl. Portman
Larry Hayden
Mike Abbott
Cindy Jordan
Lynn Gabriel
Box 100516
Anchorage, AK 99510
( 907) 276-0700
313
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Program Sponsor:
The A The Penormance~Penormance
People • ' People
A1N:£CJNl
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1986
PART II -AlaskaS Competitive Position: Public Policy Issues
8:15 Master of Ceremonies, Mana Frey, Executive President, Alaska State Federation of Labor
8:25 COAL: EVOLVING SUPPLY AND DEMAND PATTERNS -Joseph J. Yancik, Director, Office of Energy, International
Trade Administration, U.S. Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C.
9:05 BUILDING RESOURCE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS -Lome Sivertson, Assistant Deputy Minister, Mineral
Resources, Ministry of Energy, Mines and Petroleum Resources, Government of British Columbia, Victoria, B.C.
9:45 Break
10:20 EFFECTS OF GOVERNMENT DECISIONS, REGULATIONS ON INDUSTRY COMPETITIVENESS -Dan Maxim,
Everest Consulting Associates, Inc., Cranbury, New Jersey
11 :10 Break for noon luncheon
PART Ill -Putting it All Together for Alaska
2:00 Master of Ceremonies, Janie Leask, President, Alaska Federation of Natives
2:05 FROM RAGS TO RICHES: A STRATEGY THAT WORKS -John Anderson, Director, Department of Trade, State
of Washington, Olympia, Washington
2:45 ORGANIZING FOR STATE ECONOMIC PROGRESS -Scott R. Fosler; Vice President and Director of Government
Studies, Committee on Economic Development, Washington, D.C.
3:25 Alaska Railroad Corporation Energy Break.
3:55 ALASKA'S ECONOMIC PRIORITIES: A FIVE-YEAR STRATEGY -Paula P. Easley, Executive Director, Resource
Development Council for Alaska, Inc. ·
4:35 No-Host Reception -Exhibit area
1986 CONFERENCE SPONSORS
Alaska Railroad
Corporation
Program Sponsor
Alascom, Inc. A Hosting Sponsor
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PJN!a)M
COSPONSORS
Alaska Department of Commerce & Economic Development
Alaska A. F. of L. -C.I.O. Unions
Matanuska-Susitna Borough
University of Alaska, Anchorage -Continuing .Education
Port and City otvaldez ··-
··-.;.~~· .•
::: .. :
Export Council of Alaska, Inc.
City of Bethel
North Slope Borougl)... . ·
Muryicipafity .of Anchorage ~ ·
GENERAL SPONSORS
Alaska Airlines
ARGO Alaska, lhc.
Bob McGrane for Governor
MARKAIR
Sohio Alaska Petroleum Company
Stone and Webster Engineering· Corporation
UNDERWRITERS
Alaska Community Development Corporation
Alaska Helicopters, Inc.
Alaska International Construction, Inc.
Alaska Mutual Bank
Alaska Oil and Gas Association
Alaska Pacific Bank
Alaska Rural Development Council
Alyeska Pipeline Service Co.
Amoco Production Company
Arrowhead Minerals
Bob Richards for Governor
Color Art Printing Company
Community Enterprise Development Corporation of Alaska
Cominco Alaska
Diamond'Aiaska Coal Co.
Don Chemical Co., Inc.
Engelhard Industries West, Inc.
Environmental Science and Engineering
ERA Helicopters, Inc.
Fairbanks North Star Borough
'tl
Fluor Alaska, Inc.
Frontier li"ansportation Co.
Jackovich Industrial and Construction Supply
Tractor and Equipment
Joe Hayes for Governor
Ketchikan Air Service, Inc.
NANA Regional Corporation
National Bank of Alaska
Noranda Exploration Inc.
Northern Technical Services, Inc.
Placer U.S., Inc.
Peat Marwick Mitchell & Co.
R. W. Beck and Associates
Rapid Action Mailing Service
Rocky Mountain Energy
Shell Western E & P, Inc.
signs by fred, ltd.
Suneel Alaska Corporation
Usibelli Coal Mine, Inc.
Wilder Construction Co., ·Inc.
--Ai~SKA~EXPOSITION
Alaska Department of Commerce & Economic Development
Alaska Map Service
Alaska Mutuai Bank
Alaska Railroad Corp.
Anchorage Water & Waste Water Utility
Munic;ipality of Anchorage
Arctic .Slope Regional Corporation
Arctic Slope Ogden International
Bank of the North
Bethel Chamber of Commerce
CH2M-Hill
U.S.D.A. Forest Service, Chugach National Forest
Coffman Engineers Inc.
City of Cordova
Dena Junction City and Chamber of Commerce
EnVironmental Science & Engineering Inc.
Alaska State Division of Forestry/Alaska Loggers Assn.
Hart-Crowser & Assoc. Inc.
Harza Engineering Co.
Humana Hospital Alaska
Magnetics of Alaska
Markf.ir, Inc.
Matanuska-Susitna Borough
Momson-Knudsen Engineers
Bering Straits Regional Strategy/City of Nome
Northwest Envirosphere
Pitney-Bowes Inc.
Port of Anchorage
City .of Seward
Stone & Webster Engineering Corp.
City of Valdez
City of Whittier/Ted Farsi & Associates·
Westours Inc.
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